Ethnic cleansing in Eastern Europe: Poles and Ukrainians beside the Curzon Line

The purpose of this article is to clarify the role of Lewis Namier, a Foreign Office expert on Polish affairs, and his contribution to the drawing of the "Curzon Line" – the Polish‑Ukrainian border in Eastern Galicia after World War I. Namier was of Polish‑Jewish descent, and he has gone down in Polish historiography as a man of rabidly anti‑Polish inclination; during the war and later at the Versailles Peace Conference, he consistently opposed Poland's expansion in eastern Europe, notably propagating the view that the whole of the territory known as Kresy – the Eastern Marchlands – should be severed from Poland. His concepts and activities were in tune with the general thrust of British policy towards Poland, though it seems that he was not the eminence grise in Lloyd George's cabinet in this question, but merely a convenient supplier of anti‑Polish arguments. This analysis aims at proving that the great role attributed to Namier in Polish historiography is exaggerated and it was not he – as is commonly believed – who was the actual author of the Curzon Line, and it was not he who inserted it into the famous note sent from Spa to the Bolsheviks in July 1920.

556 SEER, 8i, 3, 2003 purposesof guidance on a pop-up. Bykeyingin any one of the many hundreds of keywords given on the pop-up, the user can come up with a list of all chartersrelevantto his or herline of interrogation.Upon furtherenquiry,the useris also given a very briefdescriptionof each relevantdocument and, with the press of a key, its thumbnail. A single sweep of the mouse transformsthe thumbnailinto an almost real document, on your very own computer screen, which can be enlargedand even printedout. This is not only tremendous fun but also makes the Royal Books an unexpectedly important source. By using the pop-up index as a guide to personal names, one can, for instance, find a huge number of sixteenthcentury and later referencesto familieswhich are thought to have expired in the MiddleAges. Likewise,it ispossibleto track,decade by decade, the history of individual properties, or to read the full texts of treaties and of hitherto unpublishednegotiations with provincial diets. In short, what was previously an almost useless source has by the ingenuity and diligence of its engineers, programmers and historical consultants been transformedinto an object of easy plunder and information. Of course, in order to use these disksone has to have some grasp of Hungarian 'computer-speak'.One also has to know Latin and to be ready to have a go at reading older calligraphicstyles,not all of which are immediatelypenetrable. School ofSlavonic andEastEuropean Studies MARTYNRADY University College London Engel, David (ed.). Gal-Ed.OntheHistoryofthejews inPoland.Gal Ed Society for Historical Research on PolishJewry, i 7. School of Jewish Studies, Tel Aviv University, Tel-Aviv, 2000. 212 pp. + I 78 pp. Notes. Bibliography .Index. Priceunknown. A distinct aura of generational shift surroundsthe yearbook Gal-Edfor the year 2000. With this issue, a long-serving member of the editorial board, Emanuel Melzer stepsdown, and a whole section is devoted to the memory of the late founding editor, Moshe Mishkinsky,the renowned historian of the Jewish labour movement in Eastern Europe. Most of the members of the passing generation were natives of the region that they studied, and deeply imbued with its cultural ethos. There is clear concern among the senior generation that their successorsretain their commitment 'to underscore the great variety and multilingualityof PolishJewish culture, in the hope that doing so will encourage the scholarswho are assuming centre stage today to broaden their familiarity with many different topics and types of sources'. Consequently, and in contrastto its friendlyrivalPolin,Gal-Edeschews issues devoted to a single topic, publishes documentary materials in their original language, and retainsitsbi-lingualEnglish-Hebrewformat. It is difficultto review a scholarlym6lange, but a few general observations on the contents of the currentvolume are in order.The explorationof radical Jewish politics in Eastern Europe remains a special emphasis, with articles devoted to the Bund and the Zionist youth movement Hashomer Hazair (by Roni Gechtman, Mitityahu Minc and Eli Tzur). Polish-Jewishrelations are REVIEWS 557 also well traced, as in Sabina Lewin's examination of Jewish secondary schooling in the tsarist-ruledKingdom of Poland and in the inter-warPolish state. She pays special attention to the effect of external political and social forces on the tempo of the processofJewish polonization. PiotrWr6beloffers a content analysisof the officialnewspaperof the PolishGovernment-in-Exile, Dziennik Polski.Wr6bel demonstratesthat the paper was a major conduit for information about the evolving mass-murder of East European Jews. This articlelinksnicely with Natalia Aleksiun'sreview of Polish historiographyon the Holocaust from I945 to I998. Literarystudiesare well representedby Michael Steinlauf's study of Mark Arnshteyn, the bi-lingual (Polish and Yiddish) playwright and actor. The theatre, as Steinlauf demonstrates,functioned as a 'borderland'where Poles and PolishJews interacted in a unique way. Special attention should be paid to Hana Shlomi's study of the resettlement of Jewish repatriantsfrom the Soviet Union to Lower Silesia. This is a contribution to a topic that is beginning to attractscholarlyattention:the 'ethnic cleansing' that took place in Central and Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War. The settlement discussed by Shlomi should be seen in the context of polices that culminated in Operation Vistula in 1947, the wholesale deportationof 'alien' elements of the population of south-easternPoland. Gender...

Of all the horrors of the last century - perhaps the bloodiest century of the past millennium - ethnic cleansing ranks among the worst. The term burst forth in public discourse in the spring of 1992 as a way to describe Serbian attacks on the Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina, but as this book attests, ethnic cleansing is neither new nor likely to cease in our time. Here Norman M. Naimark, distinguished historian of Europe and Russia, proides an insightful and heartbreaking history of ethnic cleansing and its relationship to genocide and population transfer. Focusing on five specific cases, he exposes the myths about ethnic cleansing, in particular the commonly held belief that the practice stems from ancient hatreds. Rather, Naimark shows that this face of genocide had its roots in the European nationalism of the late 19th century but found its most virulent expression in the 20th century as modern states and societies began to organize themselves by ethnic criteria. The most obvious example, and one of Naimark's cases, is the Nazi attack on the Jews that culminated in the Holocaust. Naimark also discusses the Armenian genocide of 1915 and the expulsion of Greeks from Anatolia during the Greco-Turkish War of 1921-22; the Soviet forced deportation of the Chechens-Ingush and the Crimean Tatars in 1944; the Polish and Czechoslovak expulsion of the Germans in 1944-47; and Bosnia and Kosovo. In this harrowing history, Naimark reveals how over and over, as racism and religious hatreds picked up an ethnic name tag, war provided a covre for violence and mayhem, an evil tapestry behind which nations acted with impunity.

REVIEWS 557 also well traced, as in Sabina Lewin's examination of Jewish secondary schooling in the tsarist-ruledKingdom of Poland and in the inter-warPolish state. She pays special attention to the effect of external political and social forces on the tempo of the processofJewish polonization. PiotrWr6beloffers a content analysisof the officialnewspaperof the PolishGovernment-in-Exile, Dziennik Polski.Wr6bel demonstratesthat the paper was a major conduit for information about the evolving mass-murder of East European Jews. This articlelinksnicely with Natalia Aleksiun'sreview of Polish historiographyon the Holocaust from I945 to I998. Literarystudiesare well representedby Michael Steinlauf's study of Mark Arnshteyn, the bi-lingual (Polish and Yiddish) playwright and actor. The theatre, as Steinlauf demonstrates,functioned as a 'borderland'where Poles and PolishJews interacted in a unique way. Special attention should be paid to Hana Shlomi's study of the resettlement of Jewish repatriantsfrom the Soviet Union to Lower Silesia. This is a contribution to a topic that is beginning to attractscholarlyattention:the 'ethnic cleansing' that took place in Central and Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War. The settlement discussed by Shlomi should be seen in the context of polices that culminated in Operation Vistula in 1947, the wholesale deportationof 'alien' elements of the population of south-easternPoland. Gender Studiesmakesa welcome appearancewith Tamar Salmon's article on problemsattendingdivorce among PolishJews in the earlymodern period when the wife was 'mad' (shotah), and in theory not liable to divorce by her husband. Salmon investigateshow Jewish legal scholars sought to overcome thisresultantdifficulties. A special feature of Gal-Ed,itself virtuallyworth the subscriptionprice, is Stephen D. Corsin's bibliography of recent works on Polish Jewry. The survey, which includes retroactive listings as well, includes 632 individual items. The utilityof thisbibliographyis increasedby the inclusionof a general index. In short, the diversityand qualityof this issue of Gal-Edgives evidence of a vigorous and healthy field, a tributeto both the veteran and new generation of scholars. University College London JOHN D. KLIER Dixon, Simon. Catherine the Great.Profiles in Power. Longman/Pearson Education, Edinburgh and London, 2001. xi + I96 pp. Notes. Bibliography .Index. ['4.99 (paperback). 'I do not know how great the lust for power is in other rulers,Lbut]in me it is not great', wrote Catherine II of Russia in 1790 in the margin of Alexander Radishchev's Jounneg from St Petersburg to Moscow,next to the condemned author'sremarksabout the dangersof 'impassioneddelight in the exercise of power'. After reading Simon Dixon's illuminating study readerswill be in a good position to judge the sincerity of Catherine's claim. The first chapter provides an admirably succinct account of her reign and sets out the wider historiographicaland theoreticaldebate, while the second considersthe coup 558 SEER, 8i, 3, 2003 that brought her to power in 1762. The six chaptersthat follow approach the subjectthematically,dealing with images and representations,ideas, political culture, Enlightened despotism, power relationships and Russia as a great power. A briefepilogue about EmperorPaul'sunfortunatereign (I 796- I 8oi) suggests why the legitimate male successor lasted only five years before influential men arranged his assassination, whereas his 'usurper' mother's thirty-four-yearreign ended with death by naturalcauses. As in his earlierbook, TheA,Modernisation ofRussia,I676-I825 (Cambridge, 1999), which kicked off with a discussionof modernization theory, Professor Dixon furnisheshis readerswith frameworksfor approaching such topics as despotism ('the eighteenth century's dirtiest word', p. 70), female rule and social forcesversusindividualgenius as leversof history.Cutting through the old debates (who hoodwinkedwhom?)about Catherine and thephilosophes, he places the empresson the 'Enlightenedspectrum'(p. 65) and presents'the art of public relations' in a pre-modern age as a valid subject for scholarly investigation. The Russian court may have been 'the most expensive place inl Europe' (p. 49), but as Article 579 of Catherine's Nakaz stated: 'Decency requires that Affluence and Magnificence should surround the throne, as the Source of Prosperity to the whole Community.' Art and book collections demonstrated civilized values to those who cared about such things, while huge firework displays or lavish building programmes displayed success to a wider public. When Catherine wrote in I770 that she wished 'our nation to shine in all the military and civil...

Summary: To be able to determine adequately what the public sphere in Eastern Europe might be in the wake of 1989 the internal social structures which give any privatized and global media landscape its specific form have to be examined. In Eastern Europe, this specific form has seven characteristics: 1. An accelerated process of social impoverishment widens the gap between the 'information rich' and the 'information poor'; 2. A new-old type of state class emerges with an authoritarian concept of the public sphere; 3. As a result of making a taboo of history, there is a denial, rather than a public acceptance of failure; 4. The public sphere is merely a spurious entity, often brutal and violent; 5. For capital-intensive mass media and information technologies, small local markets are insignificant, so there is a neglect of so-called local content; 6. The influence of foreign media capital blocks the creation of local media industries and promotes cultural heterogeneity; 7. In the absence of the former enemy images and the accompanying hostility towards 'the powers that be', the once prevalent 'we' -feeling of solidarity is replaced by an 'I' -feeling of concern for one's own advantage at the expense of the well-being of others. In summary ,the structural changes in the public sphere in Eastern Europe will produce a society located somewhere between censorship and commercialization, with this 'between' being difficult to define more precisely, as no historical precedents exist for the systemic collapse in Eastern Europe.

How did the homesteads and reservations of the Prairies of Western North America influence German colonization, ethnic cleansing and genocide in Eastern Europe? Max Sering, a world-famous agrarian settlement expert, stood on the Great Plains in 1883 and saw Germany's future in Eastern Europe: a grand scheme of frontier settlement. Sering was a key figure in the evolution of Germany's relationship with its eastern frontier, as well as in the overall transformation of the German Right from the Bismarckian 1880s to the Hitlerian 1930s. 'Inner colonization' was the settlement of farmers in threatened borderland areas within the nation's boundaries. Focusing on this phenomenon, Frontiers of Empire complicates the standard thesis of separation between the colonizing country and the colonized space, and blurs the typical boundaries between colonizer and colonized subjects. This title is part of the Flip it Open Programme and may also be available Open Access. Check our website Cambridge Core for details.

"Using a new approach to ethnicity that underscores its relative territoriality, Zeynep Bulutgil brings together previously separate arguments that focus on domestic and international factors to offer a coherent theory of what causes ethnic cleansing. The author argues that domestic obstacles based on non-ethnic cleavages usually prevent ethnic cleansing whereas territorial conflict triggers this policy by undermining such obstacles. The empirical analysis combines statistical evaluation based on original data with comprehensive studies of historical cases in Central and Eastern Europe as well as Bosnia in the 1990s. The findings demonstrate how socio-economic cleavages curb radical factions within dominant groups whereas territorial wars strengthen these factions and pave the way for ethnic cleansing. The author further explores the theoretical and empirical extensions in the context of Africa. Its theoretical novelty and broad empirical scope make this book highly valuable to scholars of comparative and international politics alike"...

In the modern Greek city of Thessaloniki, the ruins of a vast Jewish cemetery lie buried under the city's university. Nearby is the site of the childhood home of one of the founders of the modern Turkish state. These are tantalizing reminders of what was once the bustling cosmopolitan city of Salonica, home not just to Greeks but to thousands of Sephardic Jews, Turks, Bulgarians, and Armenians living and working peacefully alongside one another. Thessaloniki is just one example among many of what used to be. Over the past two centuries, ethnic cleansing has remade the map of Central and Eastern Europe and the Middle East, transforming vast empires that embraced many ethnic groups into nearly homogenous nations. Towns and cities from Germany to Turkey still show traces of the vanished and nearly forgotten ethnic and religious communities that once called these places home. In Terrible Fate, Benjamin Lieberman describes the violent transformations that occurred in Salonica and hundreds of other towns and cities as the Ottoman, Russian, Austro-Hungarian, and German empires collapsed, to be reborn as the modern nation-states we know today. His book is the first comprehensive history of this process that has involved the murder and forced migration of tens of millions of people. Drawing upon eyewitness accounts, contemporary journalism, and diplomatic records, Lieberman's story sweeps across the continent, taking the reader from ethnic cleansing's earliest beginnings in Bulgaria, Greece, and Russia in the nineteenth century, through the rise of nationalism, both world wars, the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust, and the rise and fall of the Soviet empire, up to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Along the way he examines the decisive roles of political leaders-not only monarchs and dictators but also those who were democratically elected-as well as ordinary people who often required very little encouragement to rob and brutalize their neighbors, or who were simply caught up in the tide of history.

In Lithuanian sociolinguistics ethnography is a new method; there are no comprehensive ethnographic studies. The main purpose of this paper is to introduce the reader to ethnography and to show why it is important to include ethnography in linguistic studies and how this method can enrich the analysis of linguistic material. When applying the ethnographic method it is not only possible to provide a picture of the distribution of linguistic variables in the community, but also to discover the social meaning which is associated with those variables. What is unique about ethnography is that it allows the scientist to discover social meanings instead of presupposing them and to examine the construction and organization of the social meaning of linguistic variables. Even though ethnographic studies are often treated as case studies, the results of a well-constructed ethnographic study are reliable and replicable, for instance, the ethnographically discovered social categories and social meanings, associated with them, can be tested in a different community with a help of match-guise technique.
 Following the sociolinguistic wave theory, I explain how and why ethnography has been employed in sociolinguistic studies. The studies in the first sociolinguistic wave applied survey and quantitative methods to examine the relation between linguistic variation and the traditional social categories – class, age, sex, and ethnicity. However, the quantitative methods were not sufficient enough in explaining which social mechanisms caused linguistic variation. Studies in the second wave employed ethnography in order to find the relation between linguistic variation and locally determined social categories. Studies in the third wave departed from the dialect-based approach of the first two waves, employed stylistic practice approach and examined any linguistic material that is socially meaningful in the community.
 I also discuss the main aspects of ethnographic method: participant observation, fieldnotes, ethnographic interview and other types of interviews. I come in with advice for researchers who plan to use ethnography in their research. The examples of ethnographic studies that I’m using in my paper are mostly taken from studies of youth language. Nevertheless, the paper can also be useful to any researcher who is willing to conduct an ethnographic sociolinguistic study.

The Museum of the Second World War in Gdansk was opened on the 23rd of March 2017 and one of the main aims of the institution was to represent the history of the war with the focus on the Eastern and Central Europe. However, from the very beginning, when the idea of creating of such museum developed in 2008, it has become the memory battleground for Polish intellectuals as well as for Polish politicians. The overall situation led to the change of the director of the museum and several pieces in the permanent exhibition after its official opening. From this point of view Ukrainian topics in the permanent exhibition do not only represent the Polish vision of the Second World War, but they also show the issues relevant for the Polish-Ukrainian dialogue nowadays. Among the main Ukrainian topics, which are represented in the main exhibition, there are several theme groups: 1) September 17, 1939; 2) occupation and collaboration; 3) violence against the Jewish population; 4) ethnic cleansing in Volyn and Eastern Galicia; 5) forced workers in the Third Reich; 6) deportations and resettlement. The analysis of the aforementioned historical themes shows that the exhibition presents the main events which are being investigated in the current Ukrainian historiography and not all of them have a direct connection with Polish history (for instance, forced labor or mass shootings of the Jews on the pre-war Soviet territory). At the same time, the event like Volyn massacre is represented as ethnic cleansing, while pogroms against the Jews in 1941 in Lviv are put in a wider context of violence at the beginning of the war alongside with other similar pogroms in Jedwabne.

This study examines the role of the internet in democracy promotion in the world. Theoretically, the internet has an impact on democracy via social and political mechanisms. This study uses a quantitative analysis technique to answer the following question: is the internet significant in democracy promotion in the world?. Further, a scatter plot and a person's correlation was used to understand the correlation and relationship between variables. Besides, the linear regression analysis has been implemented to examine other independent variables that have effects on the dependent variables. The conclusion shows the increase rate of the internet as well as the rate of democracy.

The Maastricht Treaty (January 1992) highlighted a turning point in the development of the EU and can be considered as the root of the present EU crisis. In Maastricht (the Netherlands) the monetary union was agreed. The negotiations for the Maastricht Treaty took place during upheaval in Central and Eastern Europe when the divide between Eastern and Western Europe was suddenly lifted, and the EU was faced with the historic challenge of uniting Europe. Nevertheless, the public discussions about the Maastricht Treaty were mainly about the question of whether Europe should move towards a federation. The decision was to abandon the federal option and to opt for an ever-closer union of sovereign states. The European Communities transformed into the European Union. With respect to the challenge of offering post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe the perspective of EU membership, there was the choice for expanding the EU instead of first deepening cooperation before expanding, so creating an institutional trap. All these discussions were taking place in the context of a mood of victory — that is the victory of ‘markets’ over the ‘state’. Market fundamentalism spread quickly after the demise of communism in Eastern Europe. Increasingly, EU member states began to share the vision of a Europe of free markets. Market integration proceeded much faster than did integration in other spheres. The dominant view became that with a free market at the EU level, and by removing regulations at the national level, enormous productive forces could be released.

(2000). RETRACTED ARTICLE: Planned Policy or Primitive Balkanism? A Local Contribution to the Ethnography of the War in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Ethnos: Vol. 65, No. 3, pp. 317-340.

Национализм – это одно из тех социальных явлений, которое вызывает ряд сомнений и недоразумений. Его часто обвиняют во всех злах, во главе с ответственностью за осуществление этнических чисток. В то же время среди исследователей нет единого мнения о значении основных признаков, определяющих национализм. Столкнувшись с проблемой определения того, что такое национализм, мы часто сталкиваемся с антиномическими высказываниями друг другу. Ввиду такого положения дел возникает вопрос, существует ли только один универсально применимый тип национализма, или же было бы более уместно утверждать, что существует множество националистических настроений. Цель приведенной ниже статьи – попытаться обсудить различные противоположные друг другу подходы к национализму, проследить его эволюцию и найти ответ на вопрос, может ли национализм, как того хотят некоторые авторы, быть определен как некая форма идеологии?

The anti-Polish purges carried out by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), which are known in Polish history as the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, claimed the lives of about 100,000 people. These purges were among the bloodiest episodes in Poland’s twentieth-century history and among the major mass killings of civilians during World War II. Moreover, they were committed by an irregular partisan formation. In terms of scale, the massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia can be compared to the mass pacification of Belarusian villages by German police formations and the massacres of Serbs by Croatian nationalists.Historical research indicates that, regardless of whether the objective of the OUN and the UPA was to exterminate or ‘only’ to expel the Poles, implementation of their plan must have assumed the killing of the Polish population, or at least part of it, in the disputed areas. Therefore, further research conducted in Poland confirmed the conviction about the genocidal nature of the UPA’s activities. Jędrzej Giertych was probably the first Pole to use the term ‘genocide’ in this context. He used it in the London-based literary weekly ‘Wiadomości’ [News] in 1951. In the second half of the 1990s, this opinion became dominant among scholars dealing with the issues in question. Similar conclusions were reached by prosecutors of the Institute of National Remembrance. It seems that their evaluation could not be different in the light of the definition of genocide specified in Article 118 of the Polish Criminal Code.Polish scholars argue, however, whether the term ‘genocide’ should be used in reference to all of the activities conducted by the OUN and UPA in the years 1939–1947, or only those conducted in the period from 9 February 1943 to 18 May 1945, known as the anti-Polish action (mass murders). They also argue whether the UPA’s actions were typical genocide, or should be considered as a specific example of cruel genocide (genocidum atrox) due to their ferocity. Some scholars are inclined to recognize the UPA’s ‘anti-Polish campaign’ as ethnic cleansing rather than genocide, but the scale of the crimes against the Polish population seems to undermine this opinion.The author suggests that the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia should be recognized as ‘genocidal ethnic cleansing’, or ‘ethnic cleansing that meets the definition of genocide’, as the terms indicate that from the very beginning perpetrators committed ethnic cleansing in the regions with intent to conduct mass murder of civilians.