Environmentally Induced Population Movements: Their Complex Sources and Consequences. A Critical Review

Many Environmental problems including elimination of tropical forests, desertification, and reduction in biodiversity, are most clearly evident in the Third World. While rapid population growth is often considered an important factor in this environmental degradation, solid empirical evi dence on its role is almost nonexistent. Understanding the effects of population on the environment requires careful consideration of the full range of factors responsible for environmental deterioration and of how they interact with demographic factors. The nature of this relationship is heavily determined by land use patterns and agricultural policies adopted by governments. This paper describes some of the relationships between population growth, land fragmentation for building houses and environmental degradation. Most studies linking population factors and the environment focus on the impact of population growth on resource use. While population size and growth rates are important determinants of resource use, population movements also affect, and are affected by, the natural environment. This study uses both primary and secondary data. Primary data was col lected from Imbulgoda area in Gampaha district. 100 families were se lected from two housing schemes. Interview method and observation method were used to collected primary data. The objectives of the study are: Identify the reasons for land fragmentation, identify the impact of land fragmentation on environmental degradation and find out the solutions for reducing environmental degradation due to land fragmentation for building residences. The land is fragmented to very small plots like 12 perch per person. Then there are at least fifteen houses within one acre of land. They have dug wells as water source. So there are 10 to 15 dug wells which reduces underground water level rapidly. They use un-sealed toilet pits and pol lute the underground water very quickly. There is no rain water removing system and numerous social disputes rise among the residents. There is no solid waste management system and they put their waste on the road side and pollute the environment. Due to removal of the upper layer of the soil by land sellers house owners cannot grow any plants. So the govern ment and policy making bodies should take necessary action to control the environmental degradation due to land fragmentation for housing in Sri Lanka.

The traditional notion of security in international relations can be seen as something focusing on a state’s concerns with safeguarding territory. The post-cold war era, characterised by issues such as economic dependency, intra-wars, globalisation and environmental degradation, resulted in new views on the definition and nature of security to include non-military security threats. This paper highlights the major impacts of climate change on the overall security aspects for the South-Asian region. The paper explains that climate change is a phenomenon which will increasingly undermine the very essence and existence of national and human security. The paper strongly argues for the broadening of the concept of security to include environmental and specifically climate change dimension with the help of Buzan and Waever’s ‘securitisation theory’. It further analyses how these non-military threats provide an opportunity and occasion for the nations in South Asia to forge a mechanism for cooperation. The paper also suggests some innovative cooperative security mechanism approaches for the states in South Asia to come together, to address the security threat of climate change.

Background: The rapid growth of human population in malaria endemic areas has become a threat leading to the resurgence of the disease. Population growth and ecological changes in malarious areas have important implications for malaria control due to the adverse effects of the disease on the population. Objective: To examine the relationship between different aspects of population dynamics and malaria transmission in Ethiopia. Methods: Published and unpublished reports on the subject were reviewed. Internet sources, books and other relevant documents pertaining to the role of population changes and the magnitude of malaria were systematically reviewed. Findings: Malaria is the number one public health problem in Ethiopia and a major cause of illness and death. Due to the high population pressure and depletion of agricultural land in highland areas, there has been a massive population movement to the lowlands, particularly in the last two decades. Most of the population movements are from malaria free or places of moderate endemicity to highly malarious areas. The number of people estimated to be residing in malarious areas of the country has shown a dramatic increase from 17.7 million in 1965 to more than 52.6 million in 2005, due to population growth and movement. High population movement and resettlement programs in malaria endemic areas have been identified as factors that exacerbate malaria transmission. As a result, more than half a million microscopically confirmed cases and 5-6 million clinical cases of malaria are reported annually from public health facilities in the country. Conclusion: Movements into malarious areas, without substantial intervention, expose people to the risk of malaria, and further exacerbate the problem. Effective treatment of the disease with the right antimalarial drug is crucial. Thus, appropriate measures should be taken to address the consequences of developmental activities leading to ecological changes and population movements into malarious areas. [Ethiop.J.Health Dev. 2006;20(3):137-144]

Ontological security studies (OSS) in International Relations (IR) emphasize the role of identity, anxiety, and a sense of self in world politics. Yet suggesting that states act in certain ways because of ‘who they are’ also assumes that they are in fact states. In this article, I problematize the presupposition of state subjects in the context of separatist conflicts in which claims to statehood compete and overlap. Where unrecognized de facto states are pitted against their unyielding parent states, the two threaten each other’s very state personhood, thereby presenting a more radical challenge to their existence than traditional ‘physical’ and ‘ontological’ security threats. Separatist conflicts thus reveal a widely overlooked dimension of fundamental ontological security, provided by the constitution and recognition of states as such. Moreover, because of the exclusiveness of state subjects in the modern international order, any third parties attempting to resolve such conflicts inevitably face a meta-security dilemma whereby reassuring one side by confirming its claim to statehood simultaneously renders the other side radically insecure. Thus, rather than regarding particular state subjects as merely the starting point of quests for ontological security in international relations, they should also be understood as already their result.

The discourse of hate crime has come to Europe, supported not least by international human rights actors and security and policy organisations. In this article, I argue that there is a need for a philosophical response to challenging claims about the conceptualisation and classification of hate crime. First, according to several scholars, hate crime is extraordinarily difficult to conceptualise and there is a fatigue among practitioners caused by the lack of clarity and consensus in the field. I agree that there is a need, not for additional definitions, but for a more comprehensive conceptual framework, that may help us think more clearly about given definitions of hate crime; about their basic structure, cross‐cutting problems, and possible variations. Supplying such a conceptual perspective represents a timely task for applied philosophy. I engage with this by offering a four‐tiered concept of hate crime. Second, the involvement of human rights actors in the consolidation of hate crime law and policy in Europe has supported the classification of hate crime as a human rights violation. Ultimately, what is at stake is not only our understanding of hate crime, but also our maintenance of a precise and pointed discourse on human rights violations. I argue that we should hesitate or even abstain from classifying hate crime as a human rights violation, and that doing so is compatible with taking both hate crimes and human rights seriously.

The influence of security on the development of maritime tourism in Indonesia cannot be separated from Changing concepts of security in international relations. Human security, including its economic, food and environmental dimensions, is crucial for the sustainability of the marine tourism sector. Threats such as poverty and human rights violations have a direct impact on this industry, which depends on social and political stability. Managing environmental security threats is essential to ensure the maritime tourism sector can thrive and benefit local communities economically. This ponder employments a subjective approach to analyze security's influence on maritime tourism development in Indonesia. The information appears a critical increment within the number of remote visitor visits. In any case, oceanic security issues, such as robbery and unlawful angling, remain significant challenges that have to be tended to so that Indonesia can draw in more visitors and venture whereas fortifying the nearby economy and coastal communities. The novelty of this study is due to the need for more literature discussing the influence of security on the development of maritime tourism in Indonesia.

Background: Climate change in the Nile Basin region has caused complex ecological imbalances, i.e., increased diseases burdens, widened social inequalities, exacerbated environmental degradation, fostered competition on resources, and threatened to slash progress in population health. In addition, human rights violations (HRV) in Oromia resulted in further environmental degradation. In this paper, the term healthy social relations and respect for human rights are used interchangeably. Oromia is the primary water source for the Nile River; hence, any social problem and ecological imbalances in this region easily spill over an extended area. Objectives: This paper examines the relationships between climate change, HRV, and public health. It traces the mechanisms in which the interactions may multiply public health problems, raise awareness of the issues, advance cooperation between states to undertake applied research, foster environmental stewardship culture, and provide impactful policy directions. Methods: Using the systemic thinking framework, we captured tacit and scientific knowledge at the upstream level in Oromia, analyzed the complex relationships between climate change, HRV, and public health problems. Furthermore, we depicted the risks it poses in Oromia and Nile Basin's downstream countries. Findings: Climate change and HRV exacerbated environmental degradation, widened social problems, and inculpated drawbacks in public health status. The impacts of ecological disturbances in the Oromia region easily spill over to other Nile Basin countries. Environmental and social imbalances contribute to environmental degradation through increased soil erosion, deforestation, increased water evaporation, which may also cause decreased water flow to the tributary rivers of the Nile. Climate change could also alter the biochemistry and microbiology of the water and soil, creating favorable conditions for certain microorganisms and pathogens that may lower soil fertility, food production, aggravate water scarcity, and ultimately cause food insecurity and other scarcities. Conclusions: Climate change and HRV in Oromia aggravated environmental degradations and have implications for public health problems. Moreover, the social and ecological disturbances in Oromia easily spill over to other Nile Basin countries. Until we identify what is going on in Oromia and take appropriate actions to prevent, mitigate and manage the impacts of climate change, and advance human rights, public health problems will further multiply and threaten the security of people in Oromia and other regions within the Nile Basin.

1. Human Rights and State Security in International Relations 2. International Norms and Their Contestation in Human Rights Dialogues 3. Indonesia's New Order 1965-1978: Transnational Advocacy and State Security under Military-Led Modernization 4. The Philippine New Society 1972-1986: Transnational Advocacy and Human Rights Change 5. Indonesia's New Order 1986-1998: Transnational Advocacy and Human Rights Change 6. Subcontracted Violence in the Philippines 1986-1992: Excusing Violations 7. Excuses and Paramilitary Violence in East Timor and Indonesia 1999-2005 8. The Philippines 1999-2008: Counter-Terrorism and Human Rights Violations 9. Contested Norms and Human Rights Change Notes Abbreviations References

This study examines non-traditional security threats in Pakistan between 2008 and 2024, with a focus on environmental, food, water, health, cyber, demographic, and energy security threats. While traditional security threats such as wars and terrorism are significant, this study highlights the growing importance of non-traditional threats caused by rapid socioeconomic developments, climate change, and advances in technology. Over the last decade and a half, Pakistan has faced significant challenges in managing these risks, which frequently conflict with and increase one another. Environmental degradation, water shortages, food insecurity, public health issues, and rising energy demand are all major concerns that threaten the country's long-term stability. Cyber-attacks, encouraged by the rise of the internet, have become an important concern, threatening both government systems and private data. Demographic changes, such as rapid growth in population, development, and migration, impose additional strain on existing assets and increase the risk of crises. The paper examines the implications of these challenges for Pakistan's national security and offers ideas for resolving them through coordinated policies and regional cooperation.

The Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh, triggered by the mass exodus of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar due to violence and persecution, presents significant humanitarian and socio-political challenges. Bangladesh has provided shelter to over a million refugees, primarily in Cox’s Bazar, creating immense pressure on its resources and infrastructure. This paper examines the root causes of the Rohingya crisis, focusing on the historical and ethnic tensions in Myanmar, and explores the impacts on Bangladesh, including economic strain, social instability, and environmental degradation. Potential solutions are analyzed, including international diplomatic pressure on Myanmar, repatriation efforts under safe conditions, and regional cooperation for long-term refugee support. It also highlights the need for global partnerships, improved resource allocation, and the importance of addressing human rights violations. The study underscores that sustainable solutions require coordinated action, addressing both the immediate humanitarian needs and the underlying causes of the crisis.

The Constitutional Transitions in the Horn of Africa:Problematic Balancing among Traditional, Religious, and Liberal Values Valeria Piergigli Introduction Western constitutionalists have delineated four constitutional stages, in order to study the historical and legal evolution of the so-called "Third World states" or "developing countries." Many African states are included among these countries, and this is closely related to the experience of colonialism, at least up to the end of World War II. After the colonial period, almost all the African countries alternated periods of democracy with periods of autocratic involution. They experimented, on the one hand, with forms of government characterized by the principle of the separation of powers and democratic participation (sometimes under the control of the bureaucratic elite inherited from the colonial period) and, on the other hand, with forms of political power concentrated in the hands of a charismatic, military, or one-party leader. In these systems, constitutional guarantees were often suspended. At present, under the pressure of endogenous and external factors, nearly all the African countries have adopted a model that basically derives from that of liberal democracies, at least from a formal point of view. However, to define more recent constitutional developments as a revival of the "independence" constitutions would be superficial and anachronistic. Various aspects of these constitutions (that is, not just [End Page 249] formal elements) demonstrate that the present situation is quite different from that in previous stages, and is characterized by the tendency to strengthen both the executive power and the tie with various traditional African institutions or with the Islamic religion. For that reason, it is appropriate to identify an autonomous stage, the so-called "fourth constitutional stage."1 The democratic transition in the countries of the Horn of Africa2 cannot be studied from a constitutional standpoint without considering the constitution drafting and the contents of the constitutions that are in force and the transitional constitutions. Nevertheless, the extensive imitation of the liberal model, the ambiguities and contradictions in the discipline of various institutions, on the one hand, underline the imbalance between the formal constitutional guarantees and their implementation. On the other hand, these ambiguities support the thesis according to which the democratization process has not concluded yet in many of the countries of the Horn, or rather that the liberal categories—in spite of their formal imitation, especially after the collapse of the socialist ideology and its accompanying model—are not automatically transferable into African societies, where traditional cultural and religious values still exist. Moreover, the lack of constitutional stability in the Horn of Africa is closely connected to the inadequate level of economic growth, to the unsolved questions of national border settlement,3 to ethnic conflicts, and to an incomplete common political awareness, all factors that the end of the contrast between the American and Soviet blocs, in the last decade of the twentieth century, has not been able to affect in a decisive way. In fact, although the end of the Cold War contributed to the fall of Siad Barre's and Mengistu's regimes, in Somalia and Ethiopia respectively, it did not allow the establishment of a climate of greater social stability; it rather fed civil wars and new ethnic, religious, and economic fragmentations, which resulted, in the absence of a democratic legitimation of the local powers, in renewed threats to the security of populations and violations of human rights. In a few words, the social, political, economic, and constitutional situation is not set and steady yet, and for these reasons, the Horn of Africa can still be considered a permanent emergency area.4 [End Page 250] Constitution Drafting and the Transitional-Constitutional Regimes Constitution drafting in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia has been characterized by several common aspects, also shared by other constitutional processes in the rest of the continent, such as experimentation—not yet finished in some cases—with transitional constitutional regimes and popular participation in the approval of the constitutional texts. In 1991, in Ethiopia, after the dictator Mengistu's escape, a national political conference adopted a transitional charter and a transitional government was constituted to last until the approval of the 1994 constitution;5 in Eritrea, the transitional process (1993–1996...

This article offers a reconstruction of social theology in Christianity as a theological response to human rights violations in Indonesia. Human rights are universal and fundamental in humanity issues that can be a locus for Christians to do theology. For this reason, any forms of human rights violation are not just a violation of law and social orders but also theological issues that require an earnest response from religious people, including Christians. Therefore, the reconstruction of social theology in this writing will be using the biblical study method of the Torah and its role in the ancient Israelites’ context and a critical analysis of the concept of Christian presence. In these two interrelated methods, the author wants to define the Christianity values, which indicate theological positions towards human rights violations in Indonesia, and point out the Christians’ characteristics that present faith works and the integrity of life. This writing then consists of three parts. The first part explains the concept of human rights and a portrait of human rights violations in Indonesia. Second is the Torah’s proper hermeneutics and role in the ancient Israelites. Third, at last, a critical analysis of the concept of Christian presence as the embodiment of faith concerning human rights violations. The Christian presence in the human rights issues, especially in human rights violations, is not only a social responsibility as Christians before God but also a tangible manifestation of faith in the context of Indonesia. Therefore, the author argues that it is essential for Christians to develop their sensitivity and actively respond to human rights violations.

La Oroya Mining is an accurate example that environmental degradation and human rights violations can happen as a cause and effect. Mining in La Oroya Peru is very famous because it is one of Peru's largest sources of income and is its trademark. Meanwhile, this mining is also proof that Peru continues its imperialism. However, it cannot be denied that the effects of mining itself have had an impact on environmental degradation and human rights violations in local communities. This mining has caused worrying short-term and long-term impacts. In this paper, the authors and team try to analyze using qualitative methods through secondary data from journals. The aim is to find key factors that cause and impact this environmental degradation and human rights violation. The team authors also try to connect with three International Relations theories, which are realism, constructivism, and green political theory to look at it from three different points of view to find out the details. Further, the author also tries to trace what actions the Peruvian people have taken, the involvement of the IACHR in this problem as an international organization, the participation of NGOs, and how it continues. Furthermore, the role of the government will also be explored whether they help in solving this problem or make it worse and continue. Lastly, team authors try to propose effective solutions that can be implemented to help solve this environmental problem.

As discussion of the political, economic, social and cultural consequences of Brexit for the UK continues, this article will explore how Brexit has affected human rights. With hate crimes increasing after the EU Referendum, there is anxiety regarding human rights and the traditional British lifestyle, based on tolerance and pluralism. Therefore, this article will endeavour to find answers to these questions: will Brexit undermine fundamental human rights? Will the Government’s policies to tackle hate crimes and Brexit-linked human rights violations work? What is the best way to deal with hate crimes? .

Introduction The environmental issues are generally treated as ‘Non-Traditional Security’ (NTS) threats as they do not appear to be a direct driver of conflict. However, the conflict inducing portents of environmental degradation has lately assumed critical salience in Peace and Conflict Studies. In this chapter the issue of environmental security and its portents arising out of conflict are analysed in the context of Bangladesh. The chapter discusses the various dimensions of conflict generated by environmental insecurity. It examines the practical ramifications generated by the environmental security threats to Bangladesh and its repercussions in triggering conflicts and violence. We know that the rise of the sea level, unmanaged floods, drought and climate-induced disasters resulted in resource scarcity thereby leading to competition, which in turn, appears to have caused security complexity and conflicts. This chapter endeavours to address this complex situation of environmental insecurity and conflict in Bangladesh with some policy recommendations to manage the conflict and promote environmental peacebuilding and ecological sustainability. Two decades ago, Robert D. Kaplan cautioned that ‘the political and strategic impact of surging populations, spreading disease, deforestation and soil erosion, water depletion, air pollution, and, possibly rising sea levels in critical, overcrowded regions like the Nile Delta and Bangladesh will prompt mass migrations and incite group conflict’ (Kaplan 1994). In addition to traditional security threats, the world community after the Cold War has confronted with new types of problems such as human rights violation, economic crisis, environmental degradation, resource depletion, drug trafficking, epidemics, crimes and social injustices (Baldwin 1997).