Abstract
Despite its policy importance, research related to the economic performance of immigrants by entry class is sorely lacking. It is generally presumed that immigrants selected on the basis of human capital will have better economic outcomes than unscreened immigrants; however, there is speculation that the social networks of family immigrants provide access to employment resources not available to others. Both arguments have merit, yet there is little research to support either claim. This study utilizes data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada to investigate the association between entry class and employment status of immigrants six months after arrival. Findings reveal little difference between skilled workers and family immigrants, while business immigrants and refugees are much less likely to be employed. Policy implications are discussed.
Highlights
Since the revival of large scale immigration following World War II, the primary goal of Canadian immigration policy has been oscillating between fulfilling the economic needs of the country and facilitating family reunification
Deteriorating labour market outcomes among recent immigrants – including lower labour force participation, higher unemployment, and lower earnings (Picot, Hou, and Coulombe, 2007; Picot and Sweetman, 2005) – inevitably raise questions about the effectiveness of a skillselective immigration program designed to ensure that immigrants will rapidly integrate into the Canadian economy (Hiebert, 2006)
The Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (LSIC) is a valuable resource for investigating the at entry labour market performance of a single immigrant cohort that arrived in Canada at roughly the same time
Summary
Since the revival of large scale immigration following World War II, the primary goal of Canadian immigration policy has been oscillating between fulfilling the economic needs of the country and facilitating family reunification. With these changing priorities came fluctuations in the composition of entry classes; in some years, as little as one-fifth of the inflow was admitted under the family class, while in others, more than one-half of immigrants were family members of Canadian residents (CIC 2005; Manpower and Immigration 1974a). Can Canada’s current emphasis on economic migration, at the expense of family reunification, be justified on the basis of more rapid economic integration? Can Canada’s current emphasis on economic migration, at the expense of family reunification, be justified on the basis of more rapid economic integration? do immigrants admitted under the economic class outperform those admitted as part of the family class and refugee programs?
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