Abstract

In eighteenth-century South Asia, ‘political’ vakils are familiar to us principally as diplomats, active in the inter-state negotiations of the period. They were unlike their predecessors, the īlchī and hejib of earlier centuries, who were associated with the service of courts and states. Maratha political vakils, like others, worked rather more as the mobile agents of individual rulers. Their activities extended far beyond the diplomatic arena. Since revenue rights were central to many inter-state negotiations, vakils often oversaw arrangements for local-level revenue collection. Frequently acting on behalf of several employers, they also had key roles in the remittance of cash, to meet the costs of their own establishments, to participate in the gift economy of the court, to pay the costs of local mercenaries, and to make down-payments for revenue farms on behalf of their employers. Drawing on support of their own extended families, for whom vakil service was often a profession that extended over several generations and regions, many political vakils combined mobility with deep connections to local economies and societies, sharing some characteristics of the ‘portfolio capitalism’ of the eighteenth century. What distinguished them, though, was their access to subcontinent-wide networks of political intelligence, and their expertise in the ‘soft skills’ of negotiation and persuasion, which further enabled them to exploit local social networks and political institutions. Colonial reforms of the late eighteenth century broke this flexible and entrepreneurial service role apart, dissipating it within the lower levels of colonial bureaucracy. The old figure of the political vakil disappeared, to be replaced by the semi-professional ‘native pleader’ in courts of law, and by ‘munshi’ assistants and translators to the Residents of the princely states within the uncovenanted civil service.

Highlights

  • Writing in 1784, the Hyderabad chief secretary Lala Mansaram recalled the arrangements of Nizam ul Mulk (r. 1724–48) for the vakils or agents of other chiefs as they arrived at the Hyderabad court to represent the interests of their masters: The Nizam ordered: ‘The vakils of many notable chiefs arrive at the camp individually

  • This essay will explore these questions in the lives of some Marathi-speaking political vakils, whose association with the Maratha empire took them to every part of the subcontinent

  • A political vakil could flexibly encompass the roles of īlchī and hejib, but at the same time import them into the familiar world of personal connection, as well as agency in financial transactions, which still lay at the heart of so many eighteenth-century political institutions

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Summary

University of Oxford

In eighteenth-century South Asia, ‘political’ vakils are familiar to us principally as diplomats, active in the inter-state negotiations of the period. They were unlike their predecessors, the īlchī and hejib of earlier centuries, who were associated with the service of courts and states. Like others, worked rather more as the mobile agents of individual rulers. Their activities extended far beyond the diplomatic arena. Since revenue rights were central to many inter-state negotiations, vakils often oversaw arrangements for local-level revenue collection. The old figure of the political vakil disappeared, to be replaced by the semi-professional ‘native pleader’ in courts of law, and by ‘munshi’ assistants and translators to the Residents of the princely states within the uncovenanted civil service

Introduction
Diplomacy as a Portfolio Profession
From īlchī and hejib to Vakil
Political Vakils in the Maratha State
Between Personal Service and Service to the State
Conclusion
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