Energy and Environment in the United States: The Era of Fossil Fuels

IN MARCH 1875, A CHICAGO TRIBUNE CORRESPONDENT reported that a miners’ strike in Brazil, Indiana, continued with conditions worsening and the “breach between labor and capital widen[ing].” The year-long labor dispute found the striking miners “dogged and sullen” and was taking a dreadful toll on the men and their families. Many of the town's merchants initially supported the strike, but they increasingly feared violence would ensue as the striking miners became more vigilant and defiant. One merchant stated that he had witnessed other strikes, but none of them had “men so determined not to yield,” and he believed it would be necessary to bring in the military to prevent an outbreak of violence. The Tribune correspondent predicted that a “revolution in labor” was imminent because the desperate mine operators were willing to hire Black workers to take the place of the striking miners. The mine operators were “confident that, if negro labor [was] adopted unanimously, it [would] completely and effectively crush strikes, which [had] become so frequent and arrogant of late as to make any dependence on white labor impracticable.” African American workers, according to the correspondent, were more dependable than white laborers, and they would not become “turbulent at trifles, and for many other reasons that are apparent.” As a result, some midwestern mine operators had already arranged to fill their mines with Black workers, and “others will follow suit.”1The newspaper correspondent's prediction about a “revolution in labor” was accurate—during the height of labor unrest in the late 1870s, Northern industrialists sought measures to undercut the burgeoning labor movement by importing African American workers from the South into their predominantly European American worksites. Industrialists were encouraged by two overarching factors: first, Black workers from the South traditionally earned lower wages than their Northern counterparts and would therefore cost less; and more importantly, due to racist exclusionary measures, as well as the relatively small African American population in the North, semi-skilled and skilled worksites were dominated by European American workers. Industrialists correctly assumed that the racism of their workers would cause an exceedingly vitriolic reaction to the idea of Black workers replacing them. In addition to the typical labor conflict issues, racialized violence would invariably ensue. Industrialists then found justification to utilize draconian measures on the strikers—enforced by local militia or police—to ensure that the replacement workers would be allowed to work in relative safety, and to ensure that industrialists continued to make profits.2This racial dynamic became increasingly prevalent throughout the Midwest as rapid industrialization and massive population growth created whole new categories of workers. European American workers braced themselves for the possibility of a chaotic economic transformation by frantically jockeying for occupational viability within the racial hierarchy. In the environment of an increasingly racialized labor movement, Black and other non-white workers, with few exceptions, were forced to the bottom of the economic ladder.Among midwestern states, Illinois was particularly distinct due, in part, to the massive growth of Chicago as a central industrial hub for the region. In comparison to adjacent midwestern states, Illinois was also unique because of its relatively small African American population. By 1890, the African American population in Illinois was only 57,028 (1.5 percent of the state population); in 1900, 85,078 (1.8 percent of the state population). The dearth of a substantial Black population, coupled with a significant rise in anti-Black sentiment throughout the state, helped to create the perception that African American workers were unable to perform technologically advanced labor. Thus, Black Illinoisans of the late nineteenth century were often forced out or excluded from more desirable occupations and, subsequently, forced to the periphery of the labor movement.This article explores the labor activism of Black Illinoisans during the tumultuous late nineteenth century in the context of this relatively new phenomenon—that is, the racialization of labor. Of course, historians generally acknowledge this period as the Second Industrial Revolution in the United States. Yet for African Americans, the period also signified a time in which their racial “character” was under severe scrutiny—not only in labor, but also in virtually every aspect of Black American life. Notions of white racial superiority invariably circumscribed Black people as inferior outsiders—undeserving of a place within mainstream American life. Thus, to most European Americans, it made perfect sense within the twisted logical framework of white supremacy to categorize labor based upon race.In the context of heightened anti-Black sentiment, Black Illinoisans were faced with a difficult decision: should they remain with the larger labor movement that increasingly viewed them as “inferior” workers? While the European American working class famously fought for labor issues such as unionization, safer working conditions, and the eight-hour workday, Black Illinoisans during the nineteenth century also supported these issues. Yet Black workers were forced into a hybrid labor activism—an activism where they fought for their rights not only as workers but also as workers who were gradually excluded from higher-skilled occupations based upon their race. In addition to the racialized occupational environment, Black workers were also forced into a battle for their civil rights during the late nineteenth century as they fought against the inimical rise in white supremacy throughout the United States.The concept of racializing labor was not entirely novel to Northern industries. As historian Jacqueline Jones explained, white Northerners had always expressed their apprehension over emancipating Black people from slavery in moralistic terms. As early as the eighteenth century, they claimed that free Black laborers had shown a lack of restraint in public—displaying “racial” behavior that European American city dwellers found galling. Various groups of African American workers came under attack by the early nineteenth century for advertising for services in a supposedly unseemly fashion. For European American workers, their goal was to maintain their advantageous position in the workplace, and any other socio-political aspect in which there was the perception of losing ground within the racial hierarchy. Thus, European American workers developed new forms of self-definition that would establish a sharper distinction between “white” and “Black” labor.3One of the earliest and staunchest proponents for disrupting the burgeoning labor movement through racialization was co-owner of the Chicago, Wilmington, and Vermillion Coal Company (CW&V) Alanson Sweet. He quickly developed a reputation for slashing wages and firing workers when he forced workers at the Michigan Central Railroad Company to take a pay cut during a dispute in 1862. Workers that protested were fired and replaced with African American workers from the South.4 Sweet believed that the reaction of his predominantly white workforce would be intensified with the importation of an all-Black strikebreaking unit that would likely lead to violence. When violence inevitably ensued, Sweet and his co-owners were then able to utilize state-sponsored protection to ensure the protection of both his imported workers and his property.5As a co-owner of the CW&V in Braidwood, Illinois, during an economic depression, once again, Sweet reduced workers’ wages. Predictably, the unionized miners refused any pay cuts and went on strike. After some convincing, the CW&V co-owners acquiesced to Sweet's ideas on importing African American men to disrupt the conflict. “With the mines filled with colored men,” he assured his fellow owners and stockholders, “it is believed that the Company will not be burdened with the expense of another strike for many years.”6 The CW&V co-owners may have been willing to agree to Sweet's concept due to their past failures. In an 1874 labor dispute with their workers, both recently arriving European immigrants and white workers were recruited as strikebreakers. Instead of being a disruptive force, the replacement miners met with the striking Braidwood miners, became informed of the ongoing labor dispute, and were subsequently convinced to leave. Significantly, the workers left relatively peaceably within days of their arrival.7The nation was in the throes of a massive railroad strike starting in July 1877. Wage cuts, and generally poor conditions and treatment touched off a nationwide strike that shut down most of the nation's railroads. The Chicago Times observed that the arrival of African American workers, combined with the news of the national railroad strike created an “anxious mood” among the Braidwood miners, and “it would take but very little to cause an outbreak in this place.” When the African American workers arrived in Braidwood, there were no friendly meetings. Instead, the striking Braidwood miners gave them an ultimatum: leave town “peaceably or forcibly.” Fearing trouble, some of the miners left town.8 However, when Sweet and the CW&V ownership alerted Illinois governor Shelby Cullom of the intimidation tactics, the state militia was brought in to restore the Black miners to their jobs. The next day, 1,250 Illinois state militia were called into Braidwood to quell the conflict, and if the strikers resisted, “the troops [would] make short work of them.” The CW&V owners understood that an escalation in violence could possibly lead to such measures—and these measures would ensure that the African American workers would be protected and allowed to work in the mines.9Convinced that order could be maintained, and the African American miners would be allowed to remain in the mine shafts, the state militia left Braidwood several weeks later. Although relative peace did prevail after the departure of the state militia, the strike continued another four months. The Braidwood strike of 1877 was the longest strike in United States’ history (to that date) and took an enormous toll on the lives of the strikers and their families. With winter approaching in November 1877, the weary miners finally gave in and ended the strike. The owner's desire to destroy the miners’ union was successful, and the company refused to hire the union leaders as well. Feeling victimized by the CW&V owners, many miners complained bitterly about working alongside the African American strikebreakers who they believed had done “all they possibly could to assist capital to crush labor.”10 For the CW&V owners, the reaction of the Braidwood miners to the importation of African Americans into the mines was the crucial element in their victory. If white and immigrant miners did not react violently, the owners would not have brought in the state militia to see that their mines and their replacement workers were protected.Race relations remained strained in the Braidwood mines during the immediate years after the strike. Nevertheless, African American miners remained in Braidwood and continued to work in the mines. At least half of the seven hundred miners in Braidwood were African American; by 1880, there were 703 Black men and their families living in the surrounding area (compared to 242 in 1870). Institutions such as the Colored Odd Fellows lodge and the First Baptist Church were established in 1878 to support the town's African American community. Reverend T. C. Fleming, who was one of the strikebreakers during the 1877 strike, was the pastor of the church.11 Despite establishing themselves as viable workers in the mines, and decent citizens in Braidwood, the small African American population continued to experience difficulties in town and the workplace.While the African American miners at Braidwood established a reputation for being viable workers and willing union men, their white counterparts insisted on following national racist trends in the workplace. Moses Gordon, an African American miner among those imported from Virginia, observed: “[African Americans] could no more get work here until the year 1877 than they could fly. . . . [I]t was the miners themselves who would come out on strike before they would allow the negro to earn his daily bread.” White workers increasingly drew the color line in the workplace and the major labor unions in the late nineteenth century. Significantly, Gordon also noted that CW&V owners fired African American workers that joined unions. Thus, the racialization of labor worked as a two-pronged attack against Black workers during the industrial era: As discriminatory policies against non-white citizens in the United States became the norm, and therefore accepted by the dominant racial group, employers increasingly utilized African Americans as strikebreakers in order to disrupt unionization. African American workers were either shunned from major labor unions by white union members who refused to allow them to join, or, as in the case in Braidwood, African American workers were threatened with termination. On the other hand, white workers—embracing the full social Darwinism of the late nineteenth century—and thus, completely accepting their collective place at the top of the racial hierarchy in American society—readily rejected African American workers from the most desirable occupations. As white workers wielded more bargaining power in the last decade of the nineteenth century, they insisted on the racialization of both the workplace and their labor unions. Gordon remarked on how this racist process in Braidwood would affect the working class: “Every nationality on the face of the globe can come here and go to work wherever there is work to be had, except for the colored man, and in nine cases out of ten the miners are to blame for it. A house divided against itself cannot stand. If the laboring class fights capital for their rights, they have enough to do without fighting against six millions [sic] of people that have got to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow.”12Strikebreaking served as an occupational and economic weapon against the racialization of labor for men like Moses Gordon. As labor historian Eric Arnesen explained, strikebreaking was a viable form of working-class activism for African Americans as they sought to strengthen their economic position during the labor upheaval of post-Reconstruction America. The most important coal mining towns in Illinois followed the practice of racial exclusion. Strikebreaking not only allowed African American workers to gain entry into desirable industrial positions, but it also represented chances for low paid Southern African Americans to earn higher wages. Their decisions to become strikebreakers were often informed choices, rationalized by a complex and changing worldview that balanced their experiences as industrial workers, farmers, and African Americans. Indeed, these Black men were neither willing tools nor ignorant serfs—rather, they were poor and ambitious men who were often recruited by coal company agents, sometimes under false pretenses. During the nineteenth century, African Americans were never the only workers used as strikebreakers in Illinois or any other Northern state. Moreover, they were never the most used strikebreakers during the height of labor turbulence of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, African Americans were usually the most visible strikebreakers because of American racism, and therefore, they were almost always the easiest targets for white working-class rage during the tumultuous labor disputes of this era.13As the Chicago Tribune correspondent predicted, other industrialists throughout the region adopted racialization as a weapon to squelch unionization among the working class. For example, in 1880, approximately one hundred African Americans were hired to replace striking coal miners in Rapids City, near Rock Island, Illinois. Tragedy struck immediately—one of the African American strikebreakers was shot and killed by a striking miner. That same year in Springfield, Illinois, mine owners resisted demands made by union officials and proceeded to import African American miners from Richmond, Virginia. The predominantly European American workforce was ordered to remove their tools from the mines and evacuate company houses. If any violence ensued, the mine operators, their property, and the African American workers, were all protected by local police officials. These drastic actions led to the demise of the union.14 In the summer of 1886, a strike for higher wages occurred in Vermillion County at Grape Creek. In this case, there was a small African American presence in the mines—yet they refused to strike with their European American coworkers. The African American miners belonged to the biracial Knights of Labor (KOL) union and refused to participate because it was “a white man's fight.” The Grape Creek operators brought in African American men from Tennessee and Kentucky under police protection. The conflict dragged out and defeated the strikers, as the mine operators brought in five to fifteen new African American workers each day.15 This pattern of racialization continued throughout Illinois during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. According to data compiled by economic historian Warren Whatley, Illinois industrialists utilized Black strikebreakers more than any state during this period. However, while Black strikebreaking increased substantially during this period—especially in high-profile conflicts—they remained a relatively small percentage of the nation's strikebreaking force.16While Northern industrialists continued to recruit Black workers from the South during the late nineteenth century, they virtually ignored Northern Black workers. This omission was particularly glaring in Illinois and other midwestern states due to the dearth of African Americans living in the region. Approximately 90 percent of the African American population remained in the South, and it was simply easier to find and recruit Black labor in the South. Another more compelling reason had to do with the collective attitudes of African Americans living in the North. While Southern Black workers were cajoled relatively easily due to precarious economic condition or general lack of knowledge of a particular labor conflict in the North, Northern African Americans simply had more exposure to Northern labor strife. Although the Black population of Illinois was quite small, they gained a reputation as ferocious labor agitators during the late nineteenth century. Like their European American working-class counterparts, they also battled for workers’ rights. To be sure, African American workers in Illinois were occasionally used as strikebreakers during the late nineteenth century—there would be a collective shift in their attitude toward the labor movement by the turn of the twentieth century as white working-class racism became more pronounced. Yet prior to the full implementation of white supremacist ideas about allegedly inferior and superior workers based upon race, Black Illinoisans were not only a part of the labor movement, in some cases they were at the vanguard of the movement.During the summer of 1877, while the Braidwood mine operators were importing African American workers into their labor fracas, more than 150 Black longshoremen from Illinois disputed recent wage cuts against the Mississippi Valley Transportation Company (MVTC). Like their Braidwood counterparts, they too were inspired by the “Great Railroad Strike” and organized their own all-Black union. In solidarity with the national movement, the workers arranged a general strike against all Illinois, employers due to the recent wage When the owners were of the strike, they hired strikebreakers. The next the striking longshoremen on the and their and that they leave the When they refused to the longshoremen them by a of in their The longshoremen then after the to ensure that none of the strikebreakers would only a few but it created quite a throughout The observed that the longshoremen may well have been within their rights to strike for higher but they no to prevent from working who willing . . . to work for the The noted that by the strikebreakers off the the Black longshoremen were a for which they be a significant in how the African American workers were in When African American workers for their rights, they were often as or workers. In Black labor activism was often viewed as chaotic and While strikebreaking was generally in white working-class when Black workers fought to their economic the they should be a that [would] last them for all time to the Braidwood which and supported striking miners during their African American workers were viewed with throughout and as workers throughout Illinois sought the same measures in unionization as other workers prior to the full of racialization in labor. As early as 1877, the Knights of Labor (KOL) established as many as seven in Illinois that African American men and into their For many Black workers, the was more than a labor the of leaders and as a than any other union in their the were able to the for African American After the national railroad strike in 1877, labor leaders recruited Black workers to the to racist to workers. goal of the labor leaders was also to the of Black workers during an 1878 African Americans the supported the and the city and with the white Chicago continued to into one of the nation's industrial the of the city was for African Americans. The battle for skilled labor in a environment, was often a losing for African American for from the South. African American men often to racist racist white and workers with the of racist to Black men out of viable As a result, Black workers in Chicago were left with occupational and often found themselves to with national of the racialization of labor was in Chicago by the last of the nineteenth century. By 1890, African Americans were as the to be laborers, workers, or to the During that decade they represented only percent of the population percent of all in the occupational for Black of or no higher than railroad or were also tools for the of such as or who were who or the of and dwellers more and the to their To ideas of racial and economic the their to an One noted that African American men of slavery . . . and became a of to the of the African American men, as a Chicago were the they are by and to were not always to ideas of racial if it in wages. A could a sense of and the of the of the South, which could lead to a was a relatively novel idea in the nineteenth Yet any that these men would allow these to into their in labor issues of the would be an Black in were the of hybrid labor activism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Black over pay In 1875, they out of throughout the during and in some of At the out because their new to He informed the all-Black that they would be to at the an before their and they would no be allowed to left over by practice that allowed workers to their out in during the and workers of all and were toward labor unionization in the Yet European American workers to follow nationwide discriminatory in labor unions by Black workers from union Black often with their own of labor activism that all-Black unions or biracial unions. For example, after the of the five Black from the in Chicago, were to their of the that were to citizens of every and and were informed that it was against the to of their in the The the men a in the where the and their while on The by the left for another where they were and served without in Chicago were to find a labor union that would their in fighting for their labor and civil rights. The them with the of unionization that they In 1886, created the Colored local and more than four hundred Black and during a The Chicago Times the the Knights had on the Black the union the colored and gave the with This represented the entry of African Americans into organized labor in Chicago and was followed within two years by a Black the which organized after from the of the Black in Chicago little time in their reputation as labor In two hundred African American joined nine hundred white in of the of and in wages. The biracial an of substantial for The owners to a through the workers by importing African American replacement workers to replace the white The between the workers was and the Black were enough to the strikebreakers to A year during another Black labor conditions, and they also the to become more about their rights and the labor was not one African American predicted, by would for their working-class men and in Illinois for more biracial union during the late nineteenth century. an African American of the that more Black workers to the union to themselves as a within the labor than a within the the for laboring men and was an of wages. have been

This analysis tentatively tests the depth and breadth of some new, perplexing tendencies. With the end of the Cold War, transnational corporate enterprise reigns more or less supreme worldwide. This global capitalist economy legitimizes its authority among most clienteles by measures of how fully, broadly, or deeply it satisfies the wants and needs felt by consumers. One of the few remaining bases of antisystemic resistance to this globalized corporate economy is environmentalism; yet, to gain an audience or build a constituency, environmentalism, like transnational corporate capitalism, increasingly is forced to pitch its messages in consumerist terms to win any widespread popular support. Although private enterprise argues that intensive natural-resource development is a wise use of nature, most ecological movements claim existing industrial technologies are really an unwise abuse of nature.1 To control the contested outcomes of this (un)wise (ab)use, corporate capitalism and organized environmentalism are tussling over the conditions of consumption, struggling over how best to manage the ends and means of global markets. Certainly, not all businesses are mindless polluters, and not all environmentalists are antibusiness. Likewise, not all environmentalism is consumerist, and not all consumption is ecological. Nonetheless, there are some unusual elective affinities between mainstream environmentalism and modern

The U.S. electric power utility industry, including rural electric cooperatives (RECs), has excess generation capacity. Estimates of the excess commonly range from about 25 percent (Lincicome 1987) to 50 percent (Nogee 1986). One reason may be that the price paid by U.S. farmers for electricity has continued to escalate throughout the 1980s, whereas the prices of competing fuel sources have declined since 1981 for diesel and gasoline, and since 1983 for liquefied petroleum gas (USDA 1986). The U.S. utility industry is actively seeking new marketing opportunities. Suppliers are attempting to sell excess electric power in neighboring service territories (Berry 1986, Peters 1986) and creatively pricing electricity to increase kilowatt hour (kwh) sales (Berry 1986; Fenn 1984; Cogan and Williams 1987; Lincicome 1987). An illustrative market pricing strategy which is affecting electricity use in South Dakota is the Basin Electric Power Cooperative's2 1987 follow-on rate, wherein power sold to Basin Electric's member systems in excess of three-year historical base amounts is priced at less than one-half the normal kwh price (McPhail 1986). At the same time, the energy crises in the 1970s have motivated U.S. leadership-both public and private-to place a certain priority on wise use of the nation's energy resources (Harper and Gellings 1987). Wise energy use involves both making efficient use of non-renewable energy resources and being conscious of restricting total nonrenewable energy use so that the energy needs of future generations are not imperiled.3 Cogan and Williams (1987) and Crawford (1988) document the ambivalence within the electric power utility industry between promoting sales and encouraging conservation. For example, Cogan and Williams (1987) report that two-thirds of the 132 utilities they surveyed encourage increased usage. Four-fifths of the same utilities have also implemented conservation programs. Hughes (1987) indicates that electric utility decisions increasingly involve customer related issues pertaining to marketing, conservation, and rate design, in contrast with traditional supply-side considerations. In this study of electricity rate structure design for irrigation, four South Dakota

As the global attention gears towards the fourth Industrial Revolution (IR4.0), there is increasing awareness of siloed educational settings giving the push to revise curriculum focusing on Education 4.0 as a desired pedagogical approach that is aligned with IR4.0. Among the initiatives taken are the emphasis on the teaching of computational thinking (CT) skills, development as well as wise use of Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, Mathematics (STEAM)-based projects and artificial intelligence (AI) age visualization tools for monitoring and evaluating activities. This chapter discusses the importance of raising awareness of conservation and wise use of resources (Conservation and Wise Use of Resources (ConWUR)) in the educational and industrial settings in achieving 'United Nation Sustainable Development Goals' (UN SDGs). It outlines exemplary practices in Japanese and Malaysian educational institutions that promote the wise use of resources by educational stakeholders and computational thinking skills in students aiming at bridging the education-industrial gap to make students future-ready in facing the increasingly challenging world. In this chapter, the exemplary Southeast Asia Minister of Education Organisation (SEAMEO) Learning Science and Mathematics Together (LeSMaT) Education 4.0 project initiative is elaborated. This chapter also discusses the development and evaluation for the future Human-Machine Interface (HMI) educational system promoting computational thinking (CT). In this chapter, the Scratchtopia Challenge as an exemplary initiative to promote CT at the elementary level will be deliberated on. The challenging Internet of Things (IoT) with Arduino for data processing from the sensor as well as how IoT can be used for Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) and reduction of waste are also illustrated in this chapter. The discussion on future directions to incorporate the use of AI age tools for monitoring and evaluation activities ends this chapter, where the development of apps, use of digital tools as well as illustration of exemplary modules that are part of the initiatives of the author(s) towards sustainable living through ConWUR and waste reduction are some of the future efforts or conservation activities to promote sustainable living through LeSMaT Education 4.0 project initiative.

vol. 6, 2014 Copyright © 2014 The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA The year 2013 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the publication of Lawrence Levine’s Highbrow/ Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America. The book was immediately, and wildly, influential among American cultural historians and students of American literature. I remember attending a national meeting shortly after it came out where participants reverentially invoked Levine’s key terms and assumptions, as if they had discovered in the book’s pages an explanation, deeply satisfying both ideologically and emotionally, for a phenomenon that had long been troubling them. In the years since 1988, Highbrow/Lowbrow has exhibited the staying power of a classic, a status certified by the book’s appearance on countless syllabi and oral exam lists. Today it remains available in paperback and in a Kindle version, and I am told that a French edition was just recently published. Many of us have profited a great deal from Levine’s study, and we lament his untimely death in 2006. Yet those of us who have been working in the history of the book and related areas have arrived at a point where we might profitably reassess the arguments of Highbrow/Lowbrow, instead of merely appropriating its framework. What have we learned over the last twentyfive years about cultural hierarchy in America? What Rethinking the Creation of Cultural Hierarchy in America

Native American Voting Rights in Utah: Federal Policy, Citizenship, and Voter Suppression

This article examines the influence of dominant thinkers, social welfare leaders, and popular authors who asserted that public aid stimulates recipients’ biological reproduction. This idea was first systematized by political economist Thomas Robert Malthus during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, most notably in his famous Essay on the Principle of Population. Malthusian ideas on public aid and reproduction then influenced policy in the United States in the late nineteenth century. The ideas also provided a rationale for attacks on public aid programs in the mid-twentieth century and throughout the era of so-called welfare reform, typified by policies such as the family cap and other provisions initiated to regulate welfare recipients’ reproduction. These measures were influenced substantially by the work of political scientist Charles Murray. After presenting this history, the article explores implications of these ideas for current and future policy.

Wetlands provide the world with important ecosystem services (ES) including carbon (C) storage. The Ramsar Convention (RC) is the only global treaty on wetlands outside of the United Nations (UN) with 172 contracting parties across the world as of 2025. The goals of the convention are to promote the wise use and conservation of wetlands, designation of suitable wetlands as wetlands of international importance, and international cooperation. The problem is that there is no consensus for standard global analysis, which is needed to ensure wetlands conservation. The novelty of this study is the use of methodology that combines satellite-based land cover change analysis with high-resolution spatial databases to help understand the change in wetlands area over time and identify potential hotspots for C loss. Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from wetland conversions represent “transboundary” damages. Therefore, C loss from wetlands conversions can be expressed through the “realized” social cost of C (SC-CO2) which is a conservative estimate of the damages caused by carbon dioxide (CO2) release. A case study of the contiguous United States of America (USA) using raster analysis within ArcGIS Pro showed key findings that almost 53% of the wetlands area was lost between 1780 and 1980, starting with 894,880.7 km2 in 1780 and falling to 422,388.2 km2 in 1980. This net loss generated damages including midpoint total soil C loss (6.7 × 1013 kg of C) with associated midpoint “realized” social costs of C (SC-CO2) value of $11.4T (where T = trillion = 1012, $ = United States dollars, USD). Recent analysis of the contiguous USA (2001–2021) revealed wetlands area losses and damages in all states. The newly demonstrated method for rapid monitoring of wetlands changes over time can be integrated into systems for worldwide monitoring to support the RC wise use concept.

Energy demand has been rising sharply over the years around the globe. The era of fossil fuels is almost at its lattermost phase. Now renewable energy is creating a greater transformation in the global energy landscape. With its enormous population, Bangladesh is currently facing impending energy scarcity. Usage of sustainable and eco-friendly energy sources is the only way out of this emergency. In this paper, we have introduced a hybrid power plant consisting of biogas and Hydrogen energy and both of them belong to renewable energy sources. In Bangladesh, the agriculture sector's performance has been firmly flourishing in recent years and about 60 percent of overall agricultural output comes from the crops sub-sector like livestock and fisheries. We have chosen the Nahar Agro cattle farm situated in Mirsarai Upazilla of Chattogram as a project area for its decent amount of animal manure availability. The main objective of this proposed design is to attain a peak load demand of 25 kg/day in Chattogram and attain energy security without harming mother nature. The total generated Hydrogen is about 9350 kg/year which will fulfill a fraction of Hydrogen demand in the upcoming days and about 73865 kg generated by-product oxygen will help the nation greatly to overcome the medical oxygen crisis. The system design is optimized in HOMER Pro software.

Fore, James G., Member AIME This paper was prepared for the 48th Annual Fall Meeting of the Society of Petroleum Engineers of AIME, to be held in Las Vegas, Nev., Sept. 30-Oct. 3, 1973. Permission to copy is restricted to an abstract of not more than 300 words. Illustrations may not be copied. The abstract should contain conspicuous acknowledgment of where and by whom the paper is presented. Publication elsewhere after publication in the JOURNAL OF PETROLEUM TECHNOLOGY or the SOCIETY OF PETROLEUM ENGINEERS JOURNAL is usually granted upon request to the Editor of the appropriate journal provided agreement to give proper credit is made. Discussion of this paper is invited. Three copies of any discussion should be sent to the Society of Petroleum Engineers office. Such discussion may be presented at the above meeting and, with the paper, may be considered for publication in one of the two SPE magazines. Abstract The actions of both the producer and consumer in the energy market have been very rational as each tries to maximize his position. The producer is motivated by profits while the consumer is seeking to maximize his total level of utility. The problems that are occurring in the energy market can be traced in most cases to one of market restrictions or failure of the market to fully reflect costs due to externalities. It is these restrictions and/or externalities that have led to our present energy crisis and not any overt acts by present energy crisis and not any overt acts by the producers or consumers. Introduction Most people acknowledge that as the demand for resources increases and these resources become scarcer the price would move higher. The effect of this increase in price would be to reduce demand for that price would be to reduce demand for that resource by causing some individuals to substitute more abundant resources for scarcer ones, or it would increase the supply of that resource by development and application of new technologies to permit the use of poorer quality resources. This in turn would lead to an optimal use of resources. The price referred to here is the market price, the market price being established by price, the market price being established by bringing together the demand curve of consumers and the supply curve of producers, Figure 1. The purpose of the price is to help our economic system achieve efficiency. It does this in two ways. The first concerns the allocation of the currently available goods and services. The second concerns the production of goods and services, that is, production of goods and services, that is, what quantities of what goods and services should be produced. This price is completely impartial in the allocation of goods to consumers as well as to who shall produce the goods. So one would expect to hear complaints about the price being too high from some consumers and being too low from some producers. After all, allocation is the purpose of the market price. price.

Authors used Long-range Energy Alternatives Planning (LEAP) model in this paper to develop and analyze future energy demand, production and CO2 emissions in Pakistan from 2020 to 2040. The model is developed based on Governmental Progressive Scenario (GPS), which forecasts sector wise (agriculture, commercial, domestic, industrial and others) energy demand of the country, and analyzes future energy supply pattern based on the domestic energy sources like RLNG, hydro, coal, natural gas, nuclear, furnace oil and renewable (wind, solar, biomass). The results of this study show that the growth rates of future energy supply and demand are 18% and 11% respectively. CO2 emissions based on future energy production are also forecasted from 2020 to 2040 which is showing declining trend due to the use of cleaner technologies in the future. The total cost of energy projects is also forecasted based on net present value at a discount rate of 4%, 8% and 12%. It is found that energy projects cost will be 50% less at discount rate of 8%. The results of this study are useful in making long term energy and environmental planning and policy formulation in Pakistan.

TalkingSex: The Rhetoricsof Reproduction, Sex Education, and Sexual Expression in theModern United States Karen Weingarten Books Discussed in This Article Conceiving the Future: Pronatalism, Reproduction, and the Family in the United States, 1890-1938. By Laura Lovett. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. Dirty Words: The Rhetoric of Public Sex Education, 1870-1924. By Robin Jensen. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2010. Sex Expression and American Women Writers, 1860-1940. By Dale Bauer. Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 2009. Choice and Coercion: Birth Control, Sterilization, and Abortion in Public Health and Welfare. By Johanna Schoen. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005. "The time has come to think about sex," wrote Gayle Rubin in her 1984 essay "Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality."1 At the time, Rubin had to qualify her essay's open ing line with the admission that some might find sexuality a trivial topic amid the world's more seemingly pressing issues. She went on to make the case, all the same, that sex and sexuality were tied to poverty, hunger, violence, race, war, disease, and other problems that FeministStudies39, no. 1. © 2013 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 235 236 Karen Weingarten ailed the world. Now, thirty years later, Rubin's plea has become com monplace in feminist scholarship, and it is almost unimaginable to dismiss sex as unimportant and not integrally tied to key concerns of feminism such as reproduction, pornography, race, family, labor, and of course, sexuality. Looking back, it becomes apparent that thinking about sex has been at the heart of several different manifestations of feminism, even when it was not explicitly stated as such. This review essay presents a slice of women's history in which sex occupied an ambiguous status in public discourse, when it was both named and not named as a central concern. The four recent books reviewed here help us arrive at a better understanding of how sex was expressed, taught, advocated, and restricted in the United States from the 1860s to the mid-twentieth century. The conventional narrative about sex in the United States holds that in the late nineteenth century, when social reformers such as the puritanical Anthony Comstock had influence, sex was only dis cussed in whispers and was considered taboo, if not illegal, in public conversation and publications. Then, during the firstfew decades of the twentieth century, the tide turned; the FirstWorld War liberalized the country and allowed for more progressive and open discussions about sex, including issues such as birth control, abortion, venereal disease, and prostitution. Women started viewing their own sexual ity in different terms, especially as suffrage granted them both citi zenship and personhood. The books I review focus on the same broad era of shifting rhetorical possibilities—the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries—but none of them adhere to this simple prog ress narrative. Although they focus on different texts, characters, and movements, they each argue against a linear change from sex-as taboo to sex-as-free-flowing and instead demonstrate how sex in ear lier eras was discussed much more widely than previously imagined. Robin Jensen's DirtyWords explicitly examines the rhetoric of the sex education movement from 1870 to 1924. She argues that women played a much greater role in promoting sex education in the United States than previous historians have depicted. More significantly, she also demonstrates how sex educators found a way to discuss sex using ambiguous language that allowed them to address what were seen as unspeakable topics for public audiences, particularly those that Karen Weingarten 237 contained children and women. Similarly, Dale Bauer's Sex Expres sion shows how US women writers between 1860 and 1940 created a language of expressing sex in literature that reflected changing atti tudes about women's sexuality. Laura Lovett's historical study Con ceivingtheFuture,which spans 1890 to 1938, also argues that pronatal ism—rhetoric promoting sex for the sake of reproduction—was indirectly encouraged through federal and state programs that avoided all mention of sex and reproduction, even as procreation was implicit in the message. Finally, Johanna Schoen's Choiceand Coercion begins in the early twentieth century...

Migrants and Migration in Modern North America combines essays from scholars based in the United States, Mexico, Canada, and Germany to challenge the ossified ideas about migration that have emerged in national historiographies. Contributors draw upon recent migration scholarship to debunk the dominant image of the typical migrant as a male crossing an international border. This includes recognizing the movements of groups thought to be sedentary, such as indigenous people and women; it also entails analyzing internal migration and historicizing the formation of borders. The vast majority of contributions are well written, with a lucid introductory synthesis and historiographical chapter by Dirk Hoerder. When unmoored from a myopic focus on the transatlantic journeys of Europeans to the United States, the North American framework is quite useful because it unites subfields of migration scholarship that are often treated separately. The significance of creating scholarly dialogue between the ever-expanding fields of migration history in the Caribbean, Mexico, Canada, Central America, and the United States, not to mention studies of the southwestern borderlands, should not be overlooked. For scholars already well versed in current migration theory, this comparative aspect represents the volume’s greatest strength.In the early to mid-nineteenth century, the borderlands between the United States and Canada in the north and Mexico in the southwest were crisscrossed by thriving networks of small-scale trade and seasonal migration. This created integrated communities of European-origin settlers and indigenous peoples that spanned international political borders, even as the latter shifted. Small groups of professionals and political exiles also moved between the Caribbean and the United States with significant effects in both. The existence of these transborder communities points to one of the volume’s recurring arguments: there are often more cultural commonalities across political borders than between subregions within them. This is not to say that political borders were meaningless. Trade policies enacted by the governments of the United States and Mexico created shifting economic inequalities on the border throughout the nineteenth century.Later in that century, the presence of railroads, commercial agriculture, and finance capital increased in the northern United States, the southwestern borderlands, and the Caribbean. Economic development and liberalization created new connections throughout the region at the same time that it displaced many people and destroyed local markets; some long-standing migratory practices became untenable, and new migrant streams were created. In Mexico, liberal economic policies enacted during the porfiriato broke up the communal holdings of church lands as well as those belonging to indigenous people, causing internal and international migration. The outbreak of the Mexican Revolution in 1910 increased migration to the United States. Despite linguistic and cultural similarities, Mexican immigrants were not initially welcomed by Spanish-speaking residents north of the border, again showing the need to historicize borders. Throughout Canada, the growth of railroads brought new competition in the form of distantly produced goods and people competing for agricultural lands. Small-scale farmers and indigenous people, themselves engaged in long-standing patterns of seasonal migration, were forced to migrate elsewhere. Emancipation in North America and the various parts of the Caribbean over the course of the nineteenth century allowed previously enslaved people to migrate. The rise of commercial agriculture played an important role in shaping their destinations.After a period of relative porosity, land and sea borders were militarized in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries on grounds of racial and economic concerns. In the late nineteenth century, the United States banned Asian immigration and con tract labor. Such restrictions influenced relations among states in North America and show the importance of a continental perspective. Fearing that Asians would enter the country from Canada or Mexico, the United States began guarding its land borders more stringently and pressuring neighboring countries to adopt similar restrictions. Canada acquiesced; Mexico did not. By the 1930s, racial and economic arguments were put forth throughout the region in an effort to halt immigration and deport foreigners. Although people continued to migrate, especially within nation-states, cross-border migration would not reach pre-Depression levels until the 1970s.The connections among different states and organizations within North America have become especially apparent during the past decades. During the 1980s, refugees from the wars in Central America began heading north to Mexico, the United States, and Canada. Many spent time in multiple countries in search of legal recognition of their refugee status. However, a combination of unresponsive states and Cold War politics barred many from obtaining legal residence, forcing them to enter Mexico, the United States, or Canada illegally. Migrants received legal help, information about possible destinations, and material aid on their journeys from transnational networks of activists and organizations. More recently, Canadian guest worker programs have been lauded by the international community as a model of temporary migration that should be emulated elsewhere, a somewhat discouraging trend considering the abuses built into the system.

Understanding the role of advanced materials for energy infrastructure and transmission

The article is devoted to the study of global energy development trends and the identification of global impact factors on the development of national energy markets. The analysis of scientific publications and factual information revealed the nature and extent of changes taking place in the energy markets and significantly affecting the formation of energy policy of the states. It is revealed that the main global trends consist in changing the model of the energy sector, the gradual reduction of the use of fossil fuels, the formation of a competitive environment in the markets of natural gas, electricity, coal, intensive development of technologies for the use of non-conventional energy resources. It is proved that the dominant economic development of the leading countries of the world is the paradigm of improving energy efficiency and the use of renewable and alternative energy sources. At the same time, one of the priorities of global energy development is the introduction of measures to prevent and adapt to climate change.The scientific novelty of this study is to identify, detail and systematize global factors that reflect the threats and opportunities for the development of world energy and determine the main trends in the development of energy markets. It is established that the development of the national market of natural gas in the medium and long term, the formation of a national energy strategy require the consideration of the main global factors that are identified and systematized in the research process by groups such as market, political, resource, technological, infrastructure, environmental, institutional . The prospects for further research will be to detail and quantify the impact of global factors on the development of national energy markets, which will contribute to the improvement of theoretical and methodological tools for forecasting the development of national and world energy, the integration of energy markets in the global dimension, addressing issues of sustainable human development and the preservation of the natural environment in the long term.