Abstract

Although phonological alternation is prevalent in languages, the process of perceiving phonologically alternated sounds is poorly understood, especially at the neurolinguistic level. We examined the process of perceiving Mandarin 3rd tone sandhi (T3 + T3 → T2 + T3) with a mismatch negativity (MMN) experiment. Our design has two independent variables (whether the deviant undergoes tone sandhi; whether the standard and the deviant have matched underlying tone). These two independent variables modulated ERP responses in both the first and the second syllables. Notably, despite the apparent segmental conflict between the standard and the deviant in all conditions, MMN is only observed when neither the standard nor the deviant undergoes tone sandhi, suggesting that discovering the underlying representation of an alternated sound could interfere with the generation of MMN. A tentative model with three hypothesized underlying processing mechanisms is proposed to explain the observed latency and amplitude differences across conditions. The results are also discussed in light of the potential electrophysiological signatures involved in the process of perceiving alternated sounds.

Highlights

  • When Two Underlying Representations Are Mapped to One Surface RepresentationMost theories of phonology differentiate underlying representation (UR, ) and surface representation (SR, hereafter; see Cole and Hualde, 2011, for a recent in-depth discussion of this topic)

  • We hypothesize that when information regarding the correct Underlying representation (UR) is available, the brain can access the UR of alternated sounds in a passive-listening mismatch negativity (MMN) experiment

  • Our study examined the process of perceiving an alternated sound and the electrophysical signatures associated with this process, using the Mandarin 3rd tone sandhi as a test case

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Summary

Introduction

When Two Underlying Representations Are Mapped to One Surface Representation. Most theories of phonology differentiate underlying representation (UR, ) and surface representation (SR, hereafter; see Cole and Hualde, 2011, for a recent in-depth discussion of this topic). Understanding how UR and SR are related is one of the driving forces behind phonological studies and speech science research in general. Traditional rule-based phonology expresses this UR-SR relationship with rules. The canonical realization of an isolated T3 syllable has a low fundamental frequency (F0) (Moore and Jongman, 1997; Prom-on et al, 2009; Kuang, 2017). When two underlyingly T3 syllables occur consecutively, the first T3 syllable’s SR has a rising F0 contour (Xu, 1994; Yuan and Chen, 2014), perceptually

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