Abstract
The attempted secession promoted in 2017 by a part of the members of the Parliament of Catalonia raises questions of enormous interest for International Law. In the first place, regarding whether national minorities, groups or peoples have recognized in the international order a right of self-determination such as that enjoyed by peoples subject to colonial domination or by force; if the so-called right to secession-remedy has been consolidated as an international custom and if there can be other foundations for the secession of this kind of peoples, such as the democratic principle or majority theory. And second, in relation to the effectiveness of a declaration of independence and the verification of the elements that make up a State and allow confirming its creation; with compliance, in that process of creation, of international legality, and the consequent obligation, otherwise, of non-recognition of those entities arising from the violation of International Law.
Highlights
The secessionist attempt in Catalonia in the light of International Law Abstract The attempted secession promoted in 2017 by a part of the members of the Parliament of Catalonia raises questions of enormous interest for International Law
Ana Gemma López Martín y José Antonio Perea Unceta order a right of self-determination such as that enjoyed by peoples subject to colonial domination or by force; if the so-called right to secession-remedy has been consolidated as an international custom and if there can be other foundations for the secession of this kind of peoples, such as the democratic principle or majority theory
In relation to the effectiveness of a declaration of independence and the verification of the elements that make up a State and allow confirming its creation; with compliance, in that process of creation, of international legality, and the consequent obligation, otherwise, of non-recognition of those entities arising from the violation of International Law
Summary
Cataluña se ha convertido en el centro de atención a nivel internacional de los fenómenos independentistas, superando a otros anteriores —como Quebec— y coetáneos, como Escocia, Crimea o Kurdistán. Hay que tener en cuenta que ni los Pactos de Nueva York de 1966 sobre Derechos Civiles y Políticos y sobre Derechos Económicos Sociales y Culturales —citados en el primer párrafo de la exposición de motivos de la Ley de Referéndum—, ni ningún otro tratado internacional extienden el derecho de libre determinación de los pueblos —plenamente reconocido solo a los pueblos sometidos a dominación colonial o por la fuerza— a otro tipo de pueblos, y, por tanto, ni a las minorías nacionales ni a las poblaciones indígenas. En coherencia con esta consideración, las declaraciones y los convenios internacionales, del ámbito universal y de los diferentes ámbitos regionales no han reconocido la libre determinación fuera del ámbito colonial, restringiendo el régimen jurídico internacional de las minorías nacionales a la protección de sus derechos humanos. Así ha sido en textos —unos no vinculantes y otros sí— como la Declaración de 1992 de las Naciones Unidas sobre los derechos de las personas pertenecientes a minorías nacionales, étnicas, religiosas o lingüísticas, el Acta Final de Helsinki de 1975 (CSCE), la Carta de París para una Nueva Europa de 1990 (CSCE), las Recomendaciones Lund de 1999 (OSCE) y la Carta Europea de las Lenguas Regionales o Minoritarias de 1992 (Consejo de Europa)
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