Abstract

Existing research shows that distribution of the speaker’s attention among event’s protagonists affects syntactic choice during sentence production. One of the debated issues concerns the extent of the attentional contribution to syntactic choice in languages that put stronger emphasis on word order arrangement rather than the choice of the overall syntactic frame. To address this, the current study used a sentence production task, in which Russian native speakers were asked to verbally describe visually perceived transitive events. Prior to describing the target event, a visual cue directed the participants’ attention to the location of either the agent or the patient of the subsequently presented visual event. In addition, we also manipulated event orientation (agent-left vs. agent-right) as another potential contributor to syntactic choice. The number of patient-initial sentences was the dependent variable compared between conditions. First, the obtained results replicated the effect of visual cueing on the word order in Russian language: more patient-initial sentences in patient cued condition. Second, we registered a novel effect of event orientation: Russian native speakers produced more patient-initial sentences after seeing events developing from right to left as opposed to left-to-right events. Our study provides new evidence about the role of the speaker’s attention and event orientation in syntactic choice in language with flexible word order.

Highlights

  • Every day we effortlessly produce sentences talking about objects, actions, people, and events

  • We registered the main effect of Event Orientation [LRχ2(1) = 5.95, p = 0.01]: there were more patient-initial responses when the agent was on the right side (b = −0.500, SE = 0.198, p < 0.001)

  • Considering the Generalized Linear Mixed Effects Models (GLMM) parameter estimates effect sizes of our factors of Cue location and Event Orientation were as log odds of −0.845 and −0.500, respectively

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

Every day we effortlessly produce sentences talking about objects, actions, people, and events. The results indicated that, unlike their English counterparts, Russian speakers did not assign the subject role to the cued referent; instead, they selected it as the sentential starting point generating patient-initial or agentinitial active-voice word orders in both cueing conditions. One explanation for this difference is a different degree of reliance on syntactic alternations and scrambling strategies in English and Russian: While syntactic alternations (e.g., active/passive) are quite common in English, Russian uses its explicit morphology, making scrambling a more productive and more frequently used mechanism (Kolomackiy, 2009).

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