Abstract

In this issue, a number of issues are being addressed including the challenges that the MENA countries face at the close of 2017. They include the festering relations between the current American administration and the Iranian regime regarding the nuclear agreement, the ongoing bloody sectarian conflicts in Yemen, Syria, and Iraq, the ongoing conflicts in the Holy Land, the Kurdish Referendum, among others. What was agreed to between Iran and the group of 5 + 1 is now the subject of ridicule by the current American administration, and new American sanctions are soon to be levied against Iran, even though there is a general international consensus that Iran has been adhering to the terms of the Nuclear Agreement signed by the Group 5 + 1. The world is closely watching Trump's threats against Iran and North Korea; the rising tension between Qatar—home of the American Fifth Fleet—and its Gulf neighbors led by Saudi Arabia, who (with the unconditional support of the United States) is equally mired in the Yemeni civil war. If one wonders why, then a reading Felicia Grey's article “How Oil Twists the Hegemon's Arm: The Case of the United States and Saudi Arabia and Their Ambivalent Partnership” will show how the Saudi strategic partnership with the United States is incredulous, and this, according to the author, invites a revision of the hegemonic stability theory since strong and persistent defection from the hegemon's wishes should catalyze some comparable form of punishment or a severance of the relationship. While the current American president continues to target Iran with threats of further economic sanctions, cancellation of the nuclear agreement, and other threatening rhetoric, Iran's government is busy strengthening its grip on surrounding countries in the Gulf States and beyond. Iran has taken advantage of the rising hostilities between the Saudi block, which includes the UAE, Bahrain and Egypt, and Qatar. The same Iranian intrusion is taking place in Yemen, much to the chagrin of the Saudis, who are facing financial losses due to declining oil revenues, rising unemployment among disenfranchised Arab youth, escalating government expenditures in support of the Saudi allies in the long-running and bloody civil wars in Yemen and Syria, and countering the rising influence of Iran in these and other countries in the region. Current Middle East conflicts, and those facing members of the GCC in particular are pushing aside previously hoped for GCC plans advanced by the late King Abdullah, such as expanding the GCC to include stable and Gulf-friendly monarchies such as Jordan and Morocco, a proposal he advanced, but ignored. Equally stalled are talks of a Gulf common market, unified banking system, and currency, a Gulf military alliance similar to the Warsaw and Atlantic alliances, among other far-reaching and ambitious plans. It was only last year when the much touted Saudi Vision 2030 which was advanced by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ushered in a new era of economic diversity and reform. It was presented as the path to take by the other Gulf States hoping to reduce dependency on oil and diversifying their economies and sources of national incomes. Such hoped-for economic diversification could result in developing services and economies away from oil and toward other income-producing sectors such as consumer products and goods, investment activities, tourism, infrastructure expansion, recreation, health, education, goods and, reducing the bloated civil service sector while increasing military spending, manufacturing equipment, and ammunitions. In addition to these and other political, and socioeconomic issues addressed in this issue the countries of the Middle East are also facing a rising tide of push and pull regarding social, political, secular, and religious differences and conflicts. Such issues are addressed by academics, as in these issues, who hope to contribute to the solution of these issues, and reducing conflict in the region.

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