Abstract

In the context of nutritional disaffection with a dominant food and agricultural system and the social questioning of everyday nutritional habits, we studied what Eating Well means to people and what role organic food plays in their lives. We conducted 11 discussion groups that were carried out in Andalusia, Spain; participants had different socio-demographic characteristics—they lived in either rural or urban areas, had different purchasing channels, and practiced varying degrees of organic food consumption. The investigation revealed (1) the motives and limitations for the consumption of organic foods, as perceived by the consumers of organic foods, and (2) the everyday strategies practiced to overcome these limitations. In both cases, this research transcends the classical analyses focused on the price of a product, when proposing a framework for alternative strategies that are based on the ordinary knowledge and practices of the consumers, by looking at consumption through an integrated lens that is rooted in the notion of what consumers consider to be Eating Well. This study shows that Eating Well—according to the criteria of the consumers and the implemented strategies—breaks from the dichotomous or exclusive focus on economic or ideological motives, and revalues feminine and rural knowledge and practices, for a comprehensive management of nutrition.

Highlights

  • Nutrition is a topic of special relevance, in industrialized societies, where social interest in nutrition has been increasing

  • Are the basic consensuses of the discussion groups (DG) about (1) the concept and characteristics of Eating Well, (2) the role and definition of organic foods in a diet for Eating Well, (3) the limitations that have come up to a greater or lesser extent in all the DGs and what strategies the participants in each of the DGs put into practice

  • The main points of consensus that emerged from all the DGs regarding the initial question of what Eating Well means are briefly addressed: (1) food against illness and for health, (2) varied food and “spoon” food—an often understated part of the “Mediterranean diet,” (3) the avoidance of chemicals in food production as well as synthetic additives in processed foods, (4) quality food, which is defined by its origin, flavor, and the absence of chemicals, (5) a communal quality and pleasure and (6) resistance to “Eating Poorly.”

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Summary

Introduction

Nutrition is a topic of special relevance, in industrialized societies, where social interest in nutrition has been increasing. The consumption of organic food is one of the strategies that try to respond to the complexity of the question “What should we eat in this context of uncertainty, contradicting discourses, paradoxes and pressures?” The existing research on the consumption of organic products has traditionally only investigated three perspectives: (i) motivations for consuming organic products and the limitations to starting or increasing the consumption of organic food [6,7,8,9,10,11]; (ii) the conventionalization process of organic food consumption, through which the mainstream market has absorbed this type of consumption (and production) in response to specific motivations of health-concerned consumers who, despite their readiness to pay a higher price for organic items (viewed as healthy products), still consider price an essential criterion for decision-making [12,13]; (iii) communication between producers and consumers, confidence-building processes, and their impact on the dominant agri-food system, without paying special attention to budgetary limitations [14,15] In this context, this study builds on previous partial approaches to provide a more comprehensive analysis of the strategies implemented by different consumer profiles to overcome the perceived limitations to consuming organic food. As Hinrichs [17] states: “Understanding how the elements and patterns in everyday practices have become normal and routine sheds light on what is possible and what happens should novelty in the form of “sustainability innovation” be promoted or introduced.” Our point of departure is that, in people’s everyday food management ( planning, buying, and preparing), “people” mostly refers to women [18,19]

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