Dynamics of Romanian Emigration After 1989: From a Macro- to a Micro-Level Approach

Abstract

<P> In this article we examine the dynamics of temporary emigration in post-1989 Romania, and rely on a twofold approach to understanding this phenomenon. First, we adopt a macro-level perspective to examine temporary migration abroad with respect to the Romanian migration system. Its basic constitutive streams are those formed by permanent emigration, temporary emigration, and the migratory movement of the population between different types of residences within the country. In the second part of the article, we shift to a micro-level approach to examine migration as a life strategy that individuals adopt in response to the challenges of the postcommunist Romanian environment. Data for this analysis come from official sources (2002 census, vital statistics) and from the Public Opinion Barometer of the Open Society Foundation (surveys from 2001 and 2004). Results indicate that, since 1989, the stages of temporary emigration abroad have been closely connected to the stages of permanent emigration and internal migration. Furthermore, structural-level factors as well as human and social capital play a significant role in shaping actual temporary migration. </P><P>This article presents the dynamics of temporary emigration of Romanians at the macro and micro levels. Three types of spatial movement--internal migration, permanent emigration, and temporary emigration--are related in a complex, dynamic web. First, we examine migration from a macro-level perspective. In this context, we look at temporary migration abroad with respect to the Romanian migration system, whose key elements are streams. The basic streams constituting the new migration system of post-1989 Romania are those formed by permanent emigration, temporary emigration, and the migratory movement of the population within the country, between different types of residences (especially between the village and the city). The latest census from March 2002 indicated a number of around 360,000 people as temporary emigrants from Romania. For a country of 21,680,000 people, this means a temporary emigration rate of about 17 percent. Is this a high or a low rate? The answer depends on the reference. In comparison with other Eastern or Central European countries with a longer history of sending migrants abroad, 17 percent might be considered a low rate. If one considers the situation before 1989, however, when Romania was a closed country, the figure is quite high. It is also high compared to definitive emigration and to total internal migration. </P><P>Second, we take a micro-level approach, examining migration as a life strategy in postcommunist Romania. A life strategy is not only an action but also a kind of perspective on the action itself. It is the perspective of the long-term relationship between the assumed ends and the required means. As for sociology, it is about "ordered pairs" of purposes-means sets that can be identified at the level of social segments or groups. Otherwise, for disparate cases, it is possible to discuss individual strategies, which are interesting from the psychological, historical, or event-oriented point of view. The life strategy represents rational action structure, relatively solid from the standpoint of the agent who adopts it. Its reasonable aspect is provided by the means' adjustment to the ends, by the choices made, and by coherence. We could talk about a choice related to the means according to the ends, or the other way around, or both. Life strategies are fundamental choices, under competition-like pressure, that are dealt with in a sequence/algorithm-like manner by resource mobilization and by capital conversion. </P><P>We use data on migration intention and selectivity to study migration as life strategy. The data come from official sources (2002 census, vital statistics) and from the Public Opinion Barometer of the Open Society Foundation (surveys from 2001 and 2004).</P>