Durkheim's Theory of Suicide as Applied to the Family: An Empirical Test

Abstract

Durkheim's theory of suicide has long been the dominant influence on the sociological study of suicide. But studies of suicide within the Durkheimian tradition have been discontinuous, preventing cumulative theoretical advance. The discontinuity is partly due to researchers' failure to base their work on a comprehensive, intersubjective interpretation of Suicide. We base our study on Pope's recent, systematic analysis of Suicide. Using contemporary methods of analysis and the best available data on the family, we conclude that though there are significant exceptions, Durkheim's theory gets strong empirical support. We also assess the amount of variance in social suicide rates that is explained by Durkheim's independent variables. Marital-familial status (Durkheim's most important variable) is important. But sex, which he treated in an ad hoc, post-factum way, is even more important. We conclude by reassessing Durkheim's theory and identifying topics for further research. Durkheim's Suicide has been important to the sociological study of deviance (Nisbet, a) and has been the dominant influence on the sociological study of suicide. Although many suicidologists feel that Durkheim has long since been superseded and Maris spoke of putting Durkheim to bed (xi), we believe that continuity can be achieved only by focusing on the leading theory-Durkheim's (Gibbs, a:199). Ironically, Durkheim's work did correct and refine the prior research of the moral statisticians (Douglas; Giddens, b), who have now been largely forgotten; but Durkheim's successors have not been equally successful in superseding him. Even among works that use Suicide as a point of de