Dual-Career Couples

Abstract

Introduction A significant proportion of today's current and aspiring academics are in dual-career partnerships. One survey indicated that 80% of faculty had spouses or partners who were working professionals (Didion, 1996). Based on data from a national faculty survey, Astin and Milem (1997) report that 35% of male faculty and 40% of female faculty are partnered with other academics. There is also some evidence that dual-career couple issues are of greater concern to newer faculty than to their senior colleagues (Finkelstein, Seal, & Schuster, 1998). In addition, Burke (1988), in her study of the academic labor market at research universities, concluded, spouse employment issue [is] now much more pronounced (p. 78). Burke continues, Spouse employment was a factor in almost 20 percent of the appointments and resignations (p. 78). Because of the growing concern regarding dual-career couples in academia, organizations such as the Association of Governing Boards have called for institutions to consider addressing th e needs of partnered professionals (1995). Academic couples face an extremely difficult task, namely finding two positions that will permit both partners to live in the same geographic region, to address their professional goals, and to meet the day to-day needs of running a household which, in many cases, includes caring for children or elderly parents. Prior research, though scarce, provides some important insights into the phenomenon of dual-career couples. Several studies discuss a range of benefits and barriers facing one type of dual-career partnership, that in which an academic couple shares a single faculty position (Berger, Foster, Wallston, & Wright, 1977; Didion, 1996). The literature also addresses the unique professional and personal challenges faced by dual-career couples who commute between two geographically distant institutions (Bruce, 1990; Sorcinelli & Near, 1989;) as well as those encountered by couples working in the same academic department (Wilson, 1998) or institution (Wilson, 1996). Some literature focuses on how members of a dual-career couple perceive the job search and on what issues the couple considers in selecting and remaining in an academic position (Gee, 1991; Innis-Dagg, 1993; Schneider, 1998). We know that members of a dual-career couple face a significant amount of stress that affects their job and life satisfaction (Sorcinelli & Near, 1989). This stress has a different impact on men and women faculty. Specifically, existing research suggests that academic women in dual-career couples are more likely than males to subordinate their career development to their spouses or partners (Aisenberg & Harrington, 1988). Further, women are more likely than men to face negative professional consequences when they change academic jobs in order to advance their husbands' career (McElrath, 1992). Not only do men and women experience dual-career couple issues differently, the available literature also suggests that unmarried heterosexual couples and partners in same-sex relationship (Miller & Skeen, 1997) as well as African American couples (Perkins, 1997) may face different professional and personnel issues than do white, married heterosexuals. Despite the obvious stresses, a study by Bellas (1997) comparing th e productivity of academic couples with other faculty members concluded that there is little difference between the two groups. There is very little research literature that addresses the policy aspects of dual-career couples. One study, conducted by Loeb (1997), examines the impact of a comprehensive spousal hiring policy at a single institution--the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana. Although there are no national studies specifically on dual-career-couple policies and practices in institutions of higher education, Shoben (1997) examines the issue of dual-career policies from a legal perspective. Specifically, she traces the rise of antinepotism rules and their relationship to today's programs for partners. …