Abstract
The field research on which this paper is based was conducted under the auspices of the Indonesian Academy of Sciences (LIPI), Universitas Indonesia, and Universitas Nusa Cendana from May 1983 till March 1985.1 wish to express my gratitude to these institutions. A previous version of this paper was presented at an 'Indonesie* Kring* seminar at Leiden University in February 1993 and at a seminar of the Groupe de Travail d'Anthropologie Sociale Comparative of the ?cole des Hautes ?tudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris in May 1993. I wish to thank the participants of both for their reactions. I am particularly grateful to Dr. C. Barraud, Dr. J. van Bremen, Mr. B.R. Car?n, Prof. D. de Coppet, Dr. C. Friedberg, Dr. J.D.M. Platenkamp, and Prof. R. Schefold for their critical comments on various versions of this paper. 1 With regard to 'the structural relationship between the three original basic elements of comparison or core elements (double descent, asymmetric connu bium and socio-cosmic dualism)' within Indonesia as a 'field of anthropological study', P.E. de Josselin de Jong proposes a distinction between a 'weak* and a 'strong' model, saying that 'Van Wouden [...] demonstrated that, at the level of the model, the three elements are compatible with one another, i.e. fit together as constituents of a single structure [...], we might call this the weak model. On the other hand, the Rassers variant of Van Wouden*s model the strong** model implies an unbreakable tie between the elements: if there is asymmetric connubium, this directly entails double descent and dualism' (P.E. de Josselin de Jong 1984:243). However, it is not possible to contrast Van Wouden's 'model* sharply with Rassers* 'model* (Rassers 1982:277-81; J.P.B, de Josselin de Jong 1952:55; 1977:171-2), as the former 'formulated the relationship between asymmetric connubium and double descent in terms that go much farther than mere compatibility* (Schefold 1986:71); according to Van Wouden, 'it is a
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