Abstract

AbstractThis study focuses on the distribution of agrm-bc, one of two agreement markers used in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS; Krebs, Julia, Ronnie B. Wilbur & Dietmar Roehm. 2017. Two agreement markers in ÖGS. Sign Language and Linguistics 20(1). 27–54), with respect to different “verb types”. Using an online questionnaire, ÖGS signers rated ÖGS sentences involving different verb types that varied in whether they show agreement with their arguments (“agreeing” with two arguments, “plain” with none or only one) and if so, how (movement from subject to object, backwards from object to subject and/or facing towards object). Thus, the verbs differ in the degree and form of expressing agreement. In addition, these verbs either appeared with or without agrm-bc. Data analysis revealed that the combination of inflected agreeing verbs and the agreement marker (“double agreement”) is acceptable in ÖGS. If the verb itself does not indicate full agreement (i.e., as in plain verbs) agrm-bc can, but does not have to, be used to indicate the argument structure. Independently, whether the verb showed full agreement marking (movement and facing) or only facing did not influence the acceptability of the occurrence of agrm-bc. The relatively high ratings for the combination of agrm-bc with different verb types suggests that agrm-bc functions as a general agreement marker in ÖGS.

Highlights

  • Sign languages are expressed by manual as well as non-manual means within the threedimensional signing space, i.e., the space in front of the signer that is used to convey linguistic information

  • In the present study we focused on the combinatorial properties of only one of the ÖGS agreement markers (AGRM-BC), because (a) the experiment was part of a larger questionnaire and additional structures would have made the questionnaire too long, and (b) at the time the questionnaire was planned and conducted it was unclear whether the other agreement marker AGRM-middle finger (MF) was only a dialectical form restricted to the area of Salzburg and possibly the less frequent agreement marker in ÖGS

  • The present study can be considered the first systematic attempt at evaluating the potential of an agreement marker to combine with different verb types

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Summary

Introduction

Sign languages are expressed by manual (hands and arms) as well as non-manual means (e.g., upper body, shoulders, head, face, chin, eye gaze) within the threedimensional signing space, i.e., the space in front of the signer that is used to convey linguistic information. Because signers make use of the signing space for gestural reasons, the border between linguistic and gestural use of space with regard to some linguistic constructions is still under debate (e.g., Goldin-Meadow and Brentari 2017). One such construction is the process termed “verb agreement”. In sign language grammar discourse referents are associated with specific locations in space by non-manual (e.g., eye gaze, body-shift) or manual means (e.g., index/pointing signs). These “points in space” (often denoted as “R-loci” for “Reference-loci”; see Figure 1) are used for expressing sign language verb agreement. The verbs move from the location associated with the subject argument to the location associated with the object (see section 2 for more details)

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