Distance contrast of demonstrative-based discourse markers and speaker's stance in Korean

Abstract

Korean demonstratives developed into a number of DMs, including ilen ‘this kind of’ and celen ‘that kind of’ via ellipsis. From the perspective of stance-taking, these contrasting DMs exhibit intriguing differences amid seemingly similar functions. The two DMs carry the subjective function of marking surprise (mirativity), a function closely related to ellipsis, i.e., the speaker’s inability to complete the utterance due to surprise. This further developed into the intersubjective function of marking feigned surprise, a strategy of dramatizing the narrative or inviting the interlocutor into the evaluative common ground. The two DMs further mark the speaker’s stance of engagement, commitment, discontent, reproach, or sarcasm, etc. all in emotional contexts. A notable difference is that the proximal vs. distal distinction spills over to their DM functions, i.e., the distal-based celen is used in contexts where the speaker is distancing them self from what is being referred to, typically in condemning others, whereas the proximal based ilen is used in contexts where the referred object/proposition is mentally close to the speaker, thus signaling engagement or commitment. These contrastive DMs show how the physical distance encoded in demonstratives is iconically reflected in stance marking functions of the DMs derived from them.