Discrimination and backlash against homosexual groups

Abstract

Taiwan’s development as a multicultural society is an issue that has been widely debated within Taiwanese society (Chen, Chuang & Huang 1994; Kuo 2003; Shuya Lin 2000; Minzhu jinbu dang 1993; Wang 2004, 2007) and among infl uential Taiwanese political parties since the early 1990s. This view of Taiwan has today successfully replaced the former prevalent view of the island as a monolithic, culturally Chinese society shaped by Confucian hierarchical structures, which was thus fundamentally different from the West. After 1949, the language, cultural policy and national discourse were formulated according to the concept of a homogeneous Taiwan forming part of the larger – and ideologically still existent – construct of the Republic of China of 1949. Thus, despite the offi cial reference to other ethnic groups, Taiwan was seen as a monolithic Chinese society and its historical roots were not recognized as being different from China’s. In some respects, the Kuomintang (KMT) at that time exercised colonial rule over Taiwan with the aim of constructing Taiwan as a model Chinese province. Conservative and Confucian values amounted to a restriction on the activities of any non-mainstream groups, and sexual minorities were – in the best case – totally ignored and marginalized by mainstream society. Adherence to a socially accepted norm – described explicitly, for example, in campaigns such as the Cultural Renaissance Movement – was seen as crucial for the blossoming of the Chinese nation (Damm 2005). Although during the 1950s and until the 1970s Taiwan was perceived as a heterosexualized society, where ‘family values’ derived directly from a stable Confucian and Chinese tradition, the democratization and pluralization of the island – which started in the mid-1980s with the lifting of martial law and was triggered by infl uential social movements – led to cultural diversity and individual rights being seen as essential values. During the 1990s, in particular, this trend achieved even greater momentum with the election of Chen Shui-bian as the fi rst successful presidential candidate fi elded by the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and the idea of multiculturalism spread rapidly. Multiculturalism was now related to ‘constitutional patriotism’ (Verfassungspatriotismus) and to the question of a national identity. The idea of multiculturalism, however, was used with particular reference to the four ethnic groups that are accepted in Taiwan today – that is, the Hoklo, Hakka, Mainlanders and aborigines – because, in these cases, the relation to national identity was obvious. The issue of multiculturalismhas also been employed to gain global legitimacy: Taiwan, despite holding pariah status in the international community and consequently being either ignored or belittled, has nevertheless followed the standards and rules set by United Nations organizations and presented itself as a ‘good’ member of the global state community, for example with regard to language policy, allowing and promoting the use of various languages and dialects, and protecting the rights of the aborigines (Wang 2004). Other groups, including former infl uential members of social movements, consumers, environmentalists, women, gays and lesbians, were also slowly integrated, to some extent, into the idea of multiculturalism. However, as these groups lacked the specifi c feature of national identifi cation, they have never received the same attention as the ethnic groups.