Different social representations of the same belief in urban tourism cities in Southeast Asia and China

China has been very active in the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) since its ratification of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the ICH adopted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Currently, China tops UNESCO’s Representative List of ICH of Humanity with 44 ICH elements inscribed. However, to our knowledge, few studies have focused on how Chinese public perceive China’s efforts related to UNESCO’s ICH lists. On December 4, 2024, China’s Spring Festival was inscribed by UNESCO. The inscription of the Spring Festival, which is the most important festival in China, presents an ideal case for exploring how state-led ICH initiatives via UNESCO are interpreted within Chinese public sphere. By conducting a thematic analysis of the comments on Chinese social media, this study investigates and discusses Chinese netizens’ responses to the inscription of the Spring Festival on UNESCO’ ICH list. Data were collected by Octopus Collector software from four Chinese social media platforms. The findings demonstrated that Chinese netizens exhibited a wide range of attitudes towards the inscription including pride and jubilation as well as criticism and indifference, which can be further nuanced into more specific subcategories, each with distinct underlying reasons. Besides, an additional observation emerged from the study: The Spring Festival’s UNESCO inscription elicited evident nationalist sentiments from Chinese nezitens, possibly due to the festival’s role as a cultural symbol of national unity and China’s localized reinterpretations of UNESCO ICH framework. The study sheds some light on the diversity and coherence in ordinary Chinese individual’s perspectives and interpretations of UNESCO ICH inscription.

African Women and the Documentary: Storytelling, Visualizing History, from the Personal to the Political1 Beti Ellerson (bio) The practice of storytelling, of relating actuality, the real, of recounting history, the personal, the social, the political, are all features of the screen culture in which African women have evolved in myriad ways as stakeholders in the cultural production of their society and world. Telling stories through documentary in particular has been a dominant mode among African women, perhaps out of a genuine interest in addressing the pressing issues in their societies and relating stories that would otherwise not be told. Their filmmaking practice is indicative of the diversity of themes they address, using eclectic approaches, autobiographical, experimental, hybrid, consciousness-raising, sociopolitical, as well as within translocal and transnational spaces—some going beyond the cultural references of the filmmakers. This article brings together current trends and tendencies incorporating African women who span the globe, utilizing diverse languages, reflecting a plurality of experiences, histories, cultures, and geographies. African Women’s Documentary Filmmaking Practices as Intangible Cultural Heritage African women film documentarians are making an invaluable contribution to Africa’s intangible cultural heritage, an observation that scholar Bertrand Cabedoche remarks in his research on documentary cinema in sub-Saharan Africa. 2 The notion of documentary filmmaking practice by African women as intangible culture heritage is worthy of broader exploration, especially in light of the prevalence of this genre in African women’s cultural production. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), cultural heritage does not end at monuments and [End Page 223] collections of objects. It also includes traditions or living expressions inherited from our ancestors and passed on to our descendants, such as oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe or the knowledge, and skills to produce traditional crafts. 3 The above-mentioned practices, all of which African women documentarians incorporate in their work, are visual evidence of their role as cultural agents and the vital function they play as cultural producers. Hence, the preservation of these traditions and expressions through documentation via the moving image is essential. Two pioneering African women, Cameroonian Thérèse Sita-Bella and Efua Theodora Sutherland of Ghana, used the moving image to document historical events of their respective societies. Trailblazing journalist Thérèse Sita-Bella entered this domain even before most of the male filmmakers recognized today as pioneers. She produced Tam Tam à Paris in 1963, a thirty-minute film documenting the National Dance Company of Cameroon during its tour in Paris. In 1969, the film was featured at the first edition of the emblematic Panfrican Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO). Similarly, renowned playwright Efua Sutherland stepped into African cinema history with the 1967 production of Araba: The Village Story. The film was produced for the US television network ABC to document the successful Atwia Experimental Community Theatre Project, universally known as a groundbreaking model for the Theatre for Development. 4 Both foremothers in African cinema, though having only produced one film each, their documentation of African culture and experiences is indicative of the practices of many African women. Some women enter cinema as a primary career, while others use the filmmaking as a medium of expression in their work in other fields. UNESCO further observes that an understanding of the intangible cultural heritage of different communities helps with intercultural dialogue, and encourages mutual respect for other ways of life. 5 African women’s documentary work is increasingly visible on the international film festival circuit and cultural venues worldwide, indicative of both the growing global interest in sharing cultures through the moving image and the evolution in dialogic exchanges that these visual documents invoke. While all categories and genres are represented at most of these venues, the predominance of documentary work by African women makers is evidence of their significant contribution to this genre. UNESCO also emphasizes that the importance of intangible cultural heritage is not the cultural manifestation itself, but rather the wealth of knowledge and skills that is transmitted through it from one generation to the next. 6 In this regard, the first generation of African...

The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage was adopted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) on 17 October 2003. It is probably the most important piece of international legal instrument giving clear recognition and protection to intangible cultural heritage worldwide. China ratified the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage on 2 December 2004 and extended it to Hong Kong with effect from 7 December 2004. The UNESCO Convention entered into force on 20 April 2006 for China including Hong Kong after the acceptance of the Convention by Romania (being the thirtieth Contracting State which brought the UNESCO Convention into force). The paper will briefly set out some of the key features of the UNESCO Convention and illustrate how and to what extent the UNESCO Convention may achieve its objectives in safeguarding intangible cultural heritage by reference to some examples of Chinese intangible cultural heritage and the situation in Hong Kong. At the end of the paper, the role of museum or museum professionals in helping the implementation of the UNESCO Convention and safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage in general will also be examined.

Intangible cultural heritage is representative of a community’s cultural authenticity and identity and includes oral traditions, performing arts, festive events or traditional craftsmanship which have been inherited over generations (UNESCO, 2003). Each culturally diverse community possesses its own unique and authentic intangible cultural heritage, which is not only an integral element of the soul of a community, but can be a vital resource for generating tourism at the national and local levels. There is little argument that intangible cultural heritage can provide a destination and/or community with a unique selling point and competitive advantage in the global marketplace. Intangible cultural heritage is experiential by nature, thus supports tourists in their desire to have a culturally authentic experience. In the process of commodification, however, intangible cultural heritage is transformed and staged too often and to varying degrees, which can lead to a loss of its authenticity (Alivizatou, 2012; Giudici, Melis, Dessi, & Ramos, 2013). Therefore, an approach facilitating intangible cultural heritage as a sustainable tourism resource is tenuous (WTO, 2012). Despite the increasing attention to intangible cultural heritage and the advice to adopt sustainable approach in the development of intangible cultural heritage as a tourism resource, little research has explored intangible cultural heritage from sustainability perspectives. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to investigate the extent to which the development of intangible cultural heritage facilitates the development of a sustainable tourism resource. To achieve this, the following three objectives were developed. First, to situate the sustainable tourism development literature within the context of intangible cultural heritage; second, to analyse public organisations’ documents in order to determine the extent to which they have facilitated the development of intangible cultural heritage as a sustainable tourism resource; and third, to establish a framework facilitating intangible cultural heritage as a sustainable tourism resource. This study adopted a single case study, with South Korea as a single representative case. A qualitative-dominant, mixed method approach was used in the process of data collection, analysis and interpretation. A total of 131 public documents from six public organisations were analysed for the second objective. Semi-structured face to face interviews were conducted with a total of 25 intangible cultural heritage practitioners and 22 locals; and questionnaires were given to 255 visitors at National Intangible Heritage Centre in Korea and then collected, to address the third objective. The critical interpretive analysis of 131 public documents revealed that overall, Korean public organisations’ goals and strategies have shown a propensity toward economic neoliberalism, mainly by regarding intangible cultural heritage tourism resources as economic tools. To a much lesser extent, they focus on social development such as ICH practitioners’ equity to participation in the decision-making process and/or intangible cultural heritage practitioners’ empowerment. The analysis of 47 interviews with intangible cultural heritage practitioners and locals, and of 255 questionnaires revealed that safeguarding intangible cultural heritage and developing its tourism role share a symbiotic relationship. This study presents a framework to facilitate the growth of the symbiotic relationships. The framework suggests, for the symbiotic relationship to be facilitated, a top-down approach blended with a bottom up approach, cooperation between stakeholders, and entrepreneurship are necessary. This research addresses a gap in the literature and provides the practical understanding of intangible cultural heritage development. The exploratory research on intangible cultural heritage provides a much-needed framework for intangible cultural heritage to be a sustainable tourism resource, which can be groundwork for future academic research. Moreover, the project offers valuable insight into the combination of various intangible cultural heritage development strategies within one destination (i.e., South Korea), in order to reduce overlapping efforts by stakeholders in South Korea and maximise synergies to facilitate a greater range of positive impacts on the development of intangible cultural heritage for communities.

For nearly 70 years, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has played a crucial role in developing policies and recommendations for dealing with intangible cultural heritage. What has been the effect of such sweeping global policies on those actually affected by them? How connected is UNESCO with what is happening every day, on the ground, in local communities? Drawing upon six communities ranging across three continents-from India, South Korea, Malawi, Japan, Macedonia and China-and focusing on festival, ritual, and dance, this volume illuminates the complexities and challenges faced by those who find themselves drawn, in different ways, into UNESCO’s orbit. Some struggle to incorporate UNESCO recognition into their own local understanding of tradition; others cope with the fallout of a failed intangible cultural heritage nomination. By exploring locally, by looking outward from the inside, the essays show how a normative policy such as UNESCO’s intangible cultural heritage policy can take on specific associations and inflections. A number of the key questions and themes emerge across the case studies and three accompanying commentaries: issues of terminology; power struggles between local, national and international stakeholders; the value of international recognition; and what forces shape selection processes. With examples from around the world, and a balance of local experiences with broader perspectives, this volume provides a unique comparative approach to timely questions of tradition and change in a rapidly globalizing world.

Produced by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). 2003-2018. In English, French, and Spanish. URL: https:/ /ich. unesco.org/ UNESCO's 2003 Convention for the Urgent Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage articulates the contemporary value and relevance oflntangible Cultural Heritage (ICH). It offers a framework to help current and prospective States Parties understand the dynamics of, and measures that may be taken to support, ICH. The Convention was a landmark in the evolution of international policies relating to cultural expression and diversity, building on the 2001 UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity and later informing the development of the 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. Through its website Intangible Cultural Heritage, UNESCO provides extensive information and resources relating to the 2003 Convention.

United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has recognized Mak Yong’s Theater Performing Art as a Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) of Humanity by September 2005 (UNESCO, “Mak Yong Theater”, https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/mak-yong-theatre-00167, (September 28, 2016)). Unfortunately, Mak Yong was declared as an irrelevant form of performing art due to the prohibition in the year 1991 since the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) that took control of the state. It is viewed as being non-compliant to Islamic teachings. Various efforts have been undertaken to protect cultural heritage by collecting and documenting especially in the manifestation of intangible cultural value in order to consolidate and nurture appreciation of the cultural heritage within society. Thus, this study explores the documentation strategy approach obtainable in cultural heritage institutions on preserving and safeguarding ICH collections. A novel qualitative methodological approach was used by employing a case study design; semi-structured interviews were conducted to examine the aperture on the implementation of documenting ICH collection in the National Archives, National Museum, and the National Library of Malaysia.

Reconciling the Conservation of Cultural Heritage with Rural Development

Not only the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), but also researchers have called for the involvement of local communities in the management of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) in the last decade. Despite awareness of this need for local involvement, there is no consensus regarding common criteria and implementation methods, especially in the case of small urban neighbourhoods. This research seeks to fill that gap by exploring different participatory actions with local communities in the neighbourhoods to identify and inventory their ICH. A participatory process was conducted in the Fontanalla neighbourhood of the city of Malaga and included expert opinions and local knowledge. Informal interviews, observational works and participatory actions were used to collect extensive data, which was then categorised and analysed. The results allowed the singularities and traditions to be recognised as part of their ICH. An ICH inventory is proposed with the involvement of the local community. The results from collected data and the suggested methodology to activate ICH participatory processes are expected to be useful for researchers and practitioners working on Intangible Cultural Heritage as well as Urban Regeneration in cities.

Intangible heritage deemed worthy of preservation is often regarded as traditional culture that reflects the identity of a particular nation or group. Traditional cultures are distinct from commercial forms, which are transmitted and promoted via businesses, commercial establishments, and media. Research on culture reveals the way that a large part of the world’s intangible heritage includes practices that interweave tradition and commodification as well as blur the boundaries between nations. As these practices do not fit into the clear categories of “traditional” or “national”, they may not be considered for preservation in official project documents such as the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003), by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Many of these practices are being, nonetheless, stored today through the unofficial archiving of moving images on the Internet, facilitated by Web 2.0. Through the case studies of various Caribbean performing arts, this paper illustrates how cultural research can provide a comprehensive understanding of intangible culture in both its lived and digital contexts, knowledge that in turn challenges the process of categorization and the measures of preservation of intangible heritage proposed by UNESCO.

In African societies, traditional dances form and shape a multitude of cultural expressions that reflect socio-cultural status, stalwart traditions and degrees of heritage maintenance. Due to colonisation, westernisation and Christianity, the performative aesthetics of many African traditional dances have been drastically modified over time. One such traditional dance in Zimbabwe that has undergone continual socio-cultural and aesthetic change is Jerusarema/Mbende from the Murehwa and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe districts of Mashonaland Eastern province. In 2005, The Mbende Jerusarema Dance of Zimbabwe was proclaimed on the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) list of Masterpieces of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. Authentic elements of the dance were compiled by the Zimbabwe National Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage (ZNOICH) committee in an effort to safeguard it against change. This safeguarding led the Jerusarema/Mbende dance along a contested path of endorsement and utilisation in multiple contexts by some performance ensembles such as Swerengoma, Ngomadzepasi, Zevezeve, Shingirirai and Makarekare as promoted by prominent dance festivals. These ensembles assert different agendas through music, props, instruments and dance movements. Drawing upon documentary video evidence from the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe and interviews, this paper evaluates the extent to which the authentic elements of the Jerusarema/Mbende dance inscribed on the UNESCO list have been safeguarded in formalised performances from 2013 to 2015. Video recordings from this period showing continuous participation of Ngoma Dzepasi, Makarekare and Shingirirai are used to assess similarities and differences from the fixity of authentic elements. We argue that UNESCO’s recognition of the Jerusarema/Mbende dance as intangible cultural heritage has, on the one hand, revived and maintained some characteristics of this dance but, on the other hand, gradually compromised innovative aesthetic music and dance elements introduced by inheriting generations.

A recent evaluation report by United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has asserted that: the concept of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) itself is quite new and its use has largely been credited to the 2003 Convention. As recently as ten years ago the term ICH was almost unknown and was only used by a small group of experts. Urban environments offer a variety of spaces that can host ICH and related transmission and training activities such as cultural centres, museums, libraries and theatres. Conversely, the move from a rural to an urban environment may also make it difficult to find appropriate performance and other spaces for the enactment of ICH. In an urban context, ICH frequently has a close interaction with the physical fabric of the city or town in which it is performed, practised and enacted, and examples of where safeguarding cultural spaces and places for the performance of ICH has become a question of major importance.

In recent years, there has been increased scholarly attention devoted to the politics behind decision-making processes in multilateral organisations like the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). For heritage studies, this trend has been particularly important, as it has expanded interest in the networks of power created by UNESCO conventions and their often-unpredictable global impacts. In this article, I examine the role of NGO representatives as governing bodies of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) in order to show how, despite their limited power, these delegates are increasing the relevance of the ICH Convention albeit in paradoxical ways. While fighting to secure their own position within the 2003 Convention, NGOs are entrenching an exclusionary canon of heritage expertise and reinstating the significance of geo-political borders between the Global North and South. I highlight how these new configurations of power based on private know-how end up restructuring the arena of political debate, steering the conversation away from local communities’ cultural rights and their effective control over the resources needed for those rights to be exercised.

The definition of ‘heritage’ has been stretching in recent decades as a result of the interaction of people and communities with heritage places (Byrne et al. 2001, 53). The definition has shifted from being situated in meaningful buildings (see Figures 11.1 and 11.2) to natural sites, oral histories and traditions. It went from considering tangible objects to including intangible heritage, recognising formerly excluded heritage (Ahmad 2006; Yin 2006). Both forms of heritage (intangible and tangible) comprise the concept of cultural heritage. This concept emphasises the traditional aspect of intangible cultural heritage. This means that some dominant groups value some forms of heritage over other forms, attributing social or cultural significance, and excluding Western intangible cultural forms. Tongyun Yin even argues (2006) that all manifestations of the Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity proclaimed by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2001 belong to minority communities in developing countries.

This article presents a critical analysis of the actions carried out by United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to safeguard what is considered to be ‘intangible cultural heritage of humanity’. These actions have been implemented under the aegis of its international convention adopted in 2003: the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. However, there have been significant difficulties in implementing the principles set out in this document and the objectives they were intended to achieve. We have examined the effectiveness of UNESCO’s policies and management by way of a qualitative and quantitative study of the functioning of the Convention’s management bodies and the intangible heritage inscribed on the Lists (number and distribution by lists, countries and economic and demographic weight). The main focus of our analysis is to assess the democratic functioning of the Convention and the universality of the intangible heritage inscribed by UNESCO.