Abstract
Life span developmental theory posits that human beings develop along a predictable, epigenetic course within the confines of their biopsychosocial realities (Erikson, 1959, 1964). According to Erikson (1959, 1964), human beings address various developmental tasks throughout life, a process that includes developing a sense of trust in self and others, a sense of self as a separate and autonomous individual, and a sense of self in relation to other people. More recently, developmental theorists assert that the trajectory for development varies from individual to individual according to cultural experiences and ethnic identifications (Berry, 1990; Phinney, 1989). A person developing in Kansas City, Kansas, might develop trust, identity, and intimacy in ways that reflect the U.S. cultural preference for individuality, whereas an individual developing in Chimaltenango, Guatemala, might approach those tasks in ways that reflect a familial collective preference. These different developmental paths often converge when individuals find themselves in the same geographic area. The United States becomes the nexus where individuals must acculturate, adapt, and adjust as they shape their developmental trajectories in proximity to others from different cultures. Moreover, the latest census data (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000) suggest that this convergence is becoming the norm. The United States, which accepts more immigrants than any other country, is experiencing a rise in immigration to unprecedented levels (U.S. Committee for Refugees, 2001). Migrating to another culture disrupts individuals' socioeconomic status, familial and social networks, cultural behavioral norms, expectations, and values. The process of acculturation can be stressful, may depend on the circumstances involved in emigration, and may be affected by psychosocial factors prior to emigration including exposure to trauma (Berry & Kim, 1988; Espino, 1991) and premigration experiences of political and economic oppression (Ronstrom, 1989). All of these factors would be expected to have an influence on an individual's resolution of the life tasks of trust, identity, and intimacy and would seem to require a transformation of previously resolved developmental tasks in light of these new experiences. Immigrants to the United States may have a primary national and cultural identity yet must address a multiethnic national existence, which, in the new culture, may well be colored by their experiences with oppression (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1998). If the immigrant is an adult, the life tasks of building an identity and creating or maintaining intimate relationships are epigenetically primary but complicated by the need to adjust to external environmental press and internal psychological needs. Immigrants who come from countries with long histories of war and political unrest are especially at risk for developmental disruptions in trust. Long-term exposure to unpredictable and uncontrollable events may lead to the development of an impaired capacity to accurately assess one's own physical or psychological safety. The resultant stress may increase these immigrants' risk for such mental disorders as posttraumatic stress (PTS), depression, and anxiety. The literature is replete with examples of the effects of traumatization on human development (Finkelhor & Browne, 1986). People exposed to trauma exhibit higher levels of mistrust (Alexander & Lupfer, 1987; Glover, 1984), identity confusion (Scott & Stone, 1986), difficulty in the development and quality of intimate relationships (Kinsler, 1992; Riggs, Byrne, Weathers, & Litz, 1998), and isolation (Briere & Runtz, 1987). Much of this literature, however, focuses on reducing targeted symptoms or on improving functional behaviors and is based on previous investigations from Western industrialized countries (Friedman & Marsella, 1996). Although the disruptions of developmental tasks following trauma are widely described, the consequences of the disruptions are not well understood. …
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