Deconstructing categories syncretic with the nominal complementizer

Lena Baunaz,Eric Lander

doi:10.5334/gjgl.349

Abstract

This paper investigates the internal structure of categories syncretic with the complementizer from a nanosyntactic perspective (cf. Starke 2009; 2014; Caha 2009). The (emotive factive) that-complementizer in Germanic, Romance, Hellenic, Slavic and Finno-Ugric languages has the same morphophonological form as other nominal categories, like demonstrative, interrogative, relative pronouns and indeterminate nouns. We claim that this homophony is not accidental. We also argue that these elements are internally complex and composed of syntactico-semantic features which are hierarchically ordered according to a functional sequence. More specifically, the internal structure can be considered essentially trimorphemic, being composed of (i) a lexical core or base which in our data is nominal (the nominal core called simply n), (ii) an inflectional ending (which we label Infl or Φ), and (iii) a functional morpheme which resembles an article of sorts and often (but not always) appears as a prefix (which we label simply F). The n and Infl components in the structures studied here are invariant and can be shown to be quite small, while F, on the other hand, crucially varies in size, depending on the function of the relevant morpheme involved (Dem, Comp, Rel, Wh or Indet). Importantly languages may lexicalize each of these components (n, Infl, and F) in different ways. Evidence for the fseq we are advocating comes from crosslinguistic patterns of syncretism and morphological containment.

Highlights

Cross-categorial syncretism Declarative complementizers frequently have the same morphophonological form as other categories, likenouns, prepositions and verbs
In thenominal domain, for example, this cross-categorial syncretism is observed in English that, which can act as a demonstrative pronoun, a complementizer, or an indeclinable relativizer, and in French que and Italian che, which can serve as complementizers, relativizers, and interrogative pronouns
In Baunaz & Lander (2017a), we show that the declarative complementizer (Comp) participates in crosslinguistic syncretism patterns involving the demonstrative pronoun (Dem), restrictive relative marker (Rel), and interrogative pronoun (Wh)

Summary

Introduction

Cross-categorial syncretism Declarative complementizers frequently have the same morphophonological form as other categories, like (pro)nouns, prepositions and verbs. For instance in Akan [Niger-Congo] the element se, in addition to being a verb with the meaning ‘be like, resemble’, has a range of functions: complementizer, quotative marker, purpose marker In Mandarin [Sinitic], the item shuō is a verb meaning ‘say’ and a complementizer and quotative marker.. Baunaz and Lander: Deconstructing categories syncretic with the nominal complementizer. The prevalence of this phenomenon suggests that we should not treat it in terms of accidental homophony but rather in terms of a common underlying structure and more properly syncretism, defined as “a surface conflation of two distinct morphosyntactic structures” (Caha 2009: 6). In this paper we will show (i) that syncretism involving the nominal complementizer is highly constrained, (ii) that the elements participating in these syncretism patterns can be decomposed further, into a tripartite morphological structure, and (iii) that each of the morphological components in this tripartition have certain basic properties which are stable across languages

Syncretism with the emotive factive complementizer

The data

A tripartite internal structure

Interim conclusion

The underlying structure

Concluding remarks