Abstract
In Spanish, dative clitics have standardly been analyzed differently from accusative ones. The apparent different constraints that regulate each of these clitic doubling constructions have been at the base of the differing analyses. In this paper, we will argue that in spite of the alleged differences, clitic doubling in Spanish (both accusative and dative) has more in common than meets the eye. In light of a generally neglected structure in which Spanish dative clitics may not show agreement with their plural double (a.k.a. le-for-les), we will argue for a decompositional analysis of Spanish dative clitics. For us, dative clitics instantiate an applicative (Cuervo 2003, a.o.) morpheme which may be combined with a Dº head (Uriagereka 1995). This analysis will allow us not only to explain the le-for-les phenomenon observed, accounting for its distribution and syntactic licensing, but also the definiteness interpretation that an agreeing dative clitic is subject to, in turn providing a uniform account for the parallelisms between accusative (i.e., purely Dº) and dative (i.e., Applicative + optional Dº) clitic doubling. Finally, certain contexts in which les surfaces and that fail to be accounted for under our proposal are provided an account in terms of “harmonic agreement,” while still keeping the analysis proposed to account for both new and old data and observations.
Highlights
One aspect of Spanish grammar that has captured the interest of scholars from different backgrounds and theoretical orientations is pronominal clitics
The following data show the connection between the [+definite] nature of the accusative double and the presence/absence of the accusative clitic:20 respectively, which already in Latin failed to differentiate between genders, only marking number, which is what we find in dative clitics in all Romance languages
There is a clear parallelism between the distribution of agreement in dative clitics and the presence of accusative clitics
Summary
One aspect of Spanish grammar that has captured the interest of scholars from different backgrounds and theoretical orientations is pronominal clitics. In order to capture the strong parallelisms between the dative clitic and the applicative morpheme in Spanish and Bantu languages respectively, we follow Masullo (1992), Cuervo (2003) and Pineda (2019, 2020) and relate it to an applicative morpheme – rather than a Deixis Phrase, which similar to Martín’s proposal, may be optionally combined with a Do head. C.The presence of the agreement morpheme is linked to the interpretation of the object We believe that this characterization of applicative constructions in Bantu languages provides strong crosslinguistic support for the decompositional analysis of dative clitics argued in Ausín & Fernández-Rubiera (to appear) and summarized in (43).
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More From: Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics
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