De la concession au libre choix en passant par la polarité : le cas de où que P et de n'importe où

Abstract

Ou que P and n’importe ou, non specifying pro-forms, occupy regularly positions which are more satellite than those of forms such as qu- que P and n’importe qu-. The aim of this study will be to describe how relations between n’importe ou or ou que P and verbal nucleus interfere with their semantic functioning : concessive, negative polarity or free choice effects. Ou que P seems to prefer the value of concessive conditionals without denying the use of polarity or the use of free choice. In the latter situation we essentially observe a more condensed integration. On the other hand, n’importe ou functions generally as a free choice marker, but it accepts exceptionally a polarity application in all contexts supporting a downward monotone orientation. In this case, it prefers a more loose connection with the main clause or with one of its constituents.