Cultural family processes, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation: A longitudinal study of Asian American youths.

THE YIN AND YANG OF A BICULTURAL IDENTITY: EXPLORING EATING DISORDERS IN ASIAN AMERICAN YOUTHS

This study examined the effects of immigration and language factors on depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation among Asian American adolescents and young adults during three developmental periods. Using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, linear regression and linear probability models were used for the data analyses. A significant group difference was observed in suicidal ideation between Asian American youth who were born in the U.S. and whose families spoke English at home and all other Asian American youth. Differences between ethnic groups were found in the mean scores of depressive symptoms and the probabilities of suicidal ideation between Asian American youth and non-Hispanic white (NHW) youth. The findings of this study reveal mental health disparities between Asian American youth and NHW youth in the U.S. These results emphasize the importance of implementing culturally sensitive mental health interventions for Asian American adolescents and young adults.

72.3 Eating Disorders in Asian American Youth: Acculturation Stress and Intergenerational Conflict

Asian American Youth Culture Shirley Jennifer Lim The very concept of asian american youth culture presents a conundrum for American history and culture, for it was never meant to exist. Under the auspices of the nineteenth-century American racial dictatorship, Asian migration to the United States was not supposed to be permanent nor should it have resulted in settler colonies. The normative Asian immigrant was the young male who migrated as cheap labor in order to replace enslaved African labor after the end of the slave trade. These migrants were not intended to have the leisure time in which to form their own youth culture. As sojourners, they were not supposed to remain in the United States, nor were they meant to propagate. In addition, the controlling trope of "Asian American" was that of the forever foreigner subjected to expulsion from American nation-state borders. Thus, Asian American youth were not allotted any claim on American rights or American culture. For all those reasons, Asian American youths forming their own culture during leisure time was an impossible construct. But, it was one that happened in the twentieth century, nonetheless. Although people of Asian descent have been in the United States in significant numbers since the mid-nineteenth century, due to demographics and migration patterns, namely the targeted exclusion of female immigration through acts such as the Page Law (1875), the first sizeable group of American-born Asian youth did not appear until the early twentieth century.1 This cohort owed its genesis to the convergence of three historical [End Page 211] factors.2 First, in the twentieth century, Asian American sex ratios became more even, families reproduced, and the first substantial group of American born Asians came of age. Second, this generation gained American citizenship through their birth, which set them apart from their parents' immigrant generation who were legally barred from attaining citizenship through naturalization. Third, American immigration exclusion from 1924 to 1965 meant that any population increase would come from the American-born, primarily Chinese American and Japanese American youth, or, until the 1934 Tydings-McDuffie Act curtailed their migration, Filipino male colonial subjects.3 Filipino American male youth culture began to form in significant numbers in the 1920s. Immigration laws and United States colonialism shaped the timing of the appearance of Filipino American male youth culture. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the Immigration Act of 1924 curtailed the entry of Chinese and Japanese cheap labor, thus creating a demand for other sources of cheap labor on the West Coast, a demand filled by Filipino migration. After the 1898 Spanish American war, the Philippines became a colony of the United States and, as "nationals," Filipinos were not subject to immigration restrictions. Beginning in 1923, young Filipino men migrated in large numbers, thus creating the structural conditions for a vibrant youth culture. As U.S. colonial subjects, the young immigrant men had, to varying degrees, been versed in and exposed to dominant U.S. culture in the Philippines and thus as immigrants formed their own youth culture that was analogous to the cultures created by second-generation Chinese American and Japanese American youth. Asian American communities deployed youthful cultural practices in order to respond to the historical legacy of immigration exclusion, colonialism, citizenship obstacles, and construction as forever-foreign men, as well as to address present-day racial segregation and community specific issues such as Japanese American internment or Filipino American decolonization. The "hep cat" cool, zoot-suited Filipino male and the fresh-faced, smartly-dressed, and smiling beauty queen became prevalent community responses to the mainstream's image of the shuffling, sepia-dour, foreign male coolie. Asian American youth made a culture of their own within the constraints of their historical time. Sites where scholars have located Asian American youth culture include clubs, [End Page 212] beauty pageants, and consumer culture. Ingeniously, out of necessity and survival, Asian American youth negotiated their own spaces within the frameworks of mainstream culture. Asian American (usually ethnic-specific in the pre-1965 era) youth culture formed as a response to the contradictions between the democratic promise of American national belonging and the practices of racial segregation and exclusion. For...

The aims of the present study were to examine whether Asian American youth experience disparities in quality of life (QL) compared with Hispanic, African American, and white youth in the general population and to what extent socioeconomic status (SES) mediates any disparities among these racial/ethnic groups. Data were obtained from the Healthy Passages study, in which 4,972 Asian American (148; 3%), Hispanic (1,813; 36%), African American (1,755; 35%), and white (1,256; 25%) fifth-graders were enrolled in a population-based, cross-sectional survey conducted in three U.S. metropolitan areas. Youth reported their own QL using the PedsQL and supplemental scales. Parents reported youth's overall health status as well as parent's education and household income level. Asian American youth experienced worse status than white youth for three of 10 QL and well-being measures, better status than Hispanic youth on six measures, and better status than African American youth on three measures. However, the observed advantages for Asian American youth over Hispanic and African American youth disappeared when the marked SES differences that are also present among these racial/ethnic groups were taken into account. In contrast, the differences between Asian American and white youth remained after adjusting for SES. These findings suggest that the disparities in QL that favor white youth over Asian American youth exist independent of SES and warrant further examination. In contrast, the QL differences that favor Asian American over Hispanic and African American youth may be partly explained by SES. Interpretations are limited by the heterogeneity existing among Asian Americans.

Contrary to the "model minority" stereotype of being exceptionally healthy and successful, Asian American (AA) youth experience mental health disparities and are less likely to seek help. In 2020, suicide was the leading cause of death for AA youth aged 10-19. Parenting is essential for promoting youth mental health, and AA parenting is unique in the context of acculturation and enculturation. However, the impact of parenting on youth mental health among AA families remains underexplored and unsynthesized. This review aims to synthesize existing literature from 2003 onward on parenting and mental health outcomes among AA youth. Four databases were searched, yielding 44 articles published after 2003 for inclusion. Empirical studies meeting the following criteria were included: population focused on AA youth, study conducted in the U.S., included a mental health outcome, and included a parenting measure. Findings emphasize the importance of parenting in shaping the mental health outcomes of AA youth. Intergenerational acculturation gaps and family conflicts are associated with increased mental health risks, while parental warmth/support and family cohesion serve as protective factors. These findings highlight the need for culturally tailored parenting interventions to improve AA youth mental health. Future research should evaluate or adapt existing evidence-based parenting programs to ensure cultural appropriateness and effectiveness in improving mental health of AA youth, ultimately reducing mental health disparities.

This study examined individual and school factors related to stigma against seeking mental health support among Asian American and Latinx youth and tested whether stigma moderated the link between internalizing symptoms and help-seeking behaviors across different sources of support. Data were drawn from a cross-sectional, routine school-based mental health needs assessment. The sample included 1,371 Asian American and 801 Latinx students in Grades 4-12 (MGrade = 8.52; 51.10% male, 45.72% female, 3.18% prefer not to say). Help-seeking from adults, peers, and professionals was assessed. Multilevel linear and moderated multinomial logistic regression analyses were conducted accounting for nesting within schools. Results revealed that younger students, Asian American youth (compared to Latinx youth), students who preferred not to share their gender (compared to male students), and youth experiencing internalizing symptoms endorsed higher stigma against help-seeking. Stigma significantly moderated the relationship between internalizing symptoms and help-seeking for both Asian American and Latinx youth for different sources of support. Results indicated that stigma was a barrier for Asian American youth with internalizing symptoms when seeking support from adults, but not from peers or formal services. Meanwhile, stigma was a barrier for Latinx youth seeking support from peers and formal services, but not from adults. Findings highlight that high stigma is a barrier to seeking help among Asian American and Latinx youth experiencing internalizing symptoms across different sources of support. Findings support the need for stigma reduction interventions, with attention to structural influences on stigma and cultural factors. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

This article examines the role of context on the mobilization of politicized racial group consciousness among Asian American and Latino youth. We investigate group membership by analyzing face-to-face interview data with Latino and Asian American youth in New York and California on their responses to questions about the meaning of their race and ethnicity to politics. Next, we use survey data from a nationally representative sample of Asian American and Latino youth taken during the 2004 election. We also analyze the extent to which the contextual circumstances of systematic exposure to an experimental frame prompting racial and ethnic group pride influence racial group consciousness. The data help to illuminate the extent to which racial and ethnic identities of Asian American and Latino youth are manifest in their unique political contexts.

Asian Critical Theory highlights the tenet of intersectionality and four other tenets (i.e., Asianization, [re]constructive history, strategic [anti]essentialism, and commitment to social justice) that are relevant to Asian American (AA) youths' (adolescents' and emerging adults') experiences of racism during the COVID‐19 pandemic. Based on 22 studies published between March 2020 and November 2024, this review utilizes these tenets as a framework to summarize and discuss the findings and methodologies of the studies on AA youths' experiences of pandemic racism. An intersectional lens is valuable because the reviewed studies suggest AA youths' experiences of pandemic racism vary with their gender and ethnic identities, nativity, and age. Nine studies interrogated Asianization by studying a single AA ethnicity or comparing two ethnic subgroups, while 13 studies reiterated by studying AAs as an aggregate. (Re)constructive history is supported as the reviewed studies suggest that anti‐Asian sentiments that targeted AAs as a major threat to America's public health in the 19th century reoccurred during the pandemic. The reviewed studies also support strategic (anti)essentialism by identifying eight forms of pandemic racism (e.g., discrimination) as risk factors for AA youths' development across four domains (mental and physical health and psychosocial and academic adjustment). Extending the tenet of commitment to social justice, our review indicates when facing pandemic racism, AA youths' commitment to social justice may be impacted by their identities (e.g., gender) and familial and social contexts. This review discusses implications for lessening the negative impacts of pandemic racism on AA youths' overall adjustment.

Suicide And Death Ideation in Older Adults Obtaining Aging Services

Medical students are at high risk for depression and suicidal ideation. However, the prevalence estimates of these disorders vary between studies. To estimate the prevalence of depression, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation in medical students. Systematic search of EMBASE, ERIC, MEDLINE, psycARTICLES, and psycINFO without language restriction for studies on the prevalence of depression, depressive symptoms, or suicidal ideation in medical students published before September 17, 2016. Studies that were published in the peer-reviewed literature and used validated assessment methods were included. Information on study characteristics; prevalence of depression or depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation; and whether students who screened positive for depression sought treatment was extracted independently by 3 investigators. Estimates were pooled using random-effects meta-analysis. Differences by study-level characteristics were estimated using stratified meta-analysis and meta-regression. Point or period prevalence of depression, depressive symptoms, or suicidal ideation as assessed by validated questionnaire or structured interview. Depression or depressive symptom prevalence data were extracted from 167 cross-sectional studies (n = 116 628) and 16 longitudinal studies (n = 5728) from 43 countries. All but 1 study used self-report instruments. The overall pooled crude prevalence of depression or depressive symptoms was 27.2% (37 933/122 356 individuals; 95% CI, 24.7% to 29.9%, I2 = 98.9%). Summary prevalence estimates ranged across assessment modalities from 9.3% to 55.9%. Depressive symptom prevalence remained relatively constant over the period studied (baseline survey year range of 1982-2015; slope, 0.2% increase per year [95% CI, -0.2% to 0.7%]). In the 9 longitudinal studies that assessed depressive symptoms before and during medical school (n = 2432), the median absolute increase in symptoms was 13.5% (range, 0.6% to 35.3%). Prevalence estimates did not significantly differ between studies of only preclinical students and studies of only clinical students (23.7% [95% CI, 19.5% to 28.5%] vs 22.4% [95% CI, 17.6% to 28.2%]; P = .72). The percentage of medical students screening positive for depression who sought psychiatric treatment was 15.7% (110/954 individuals; 95% CI, 10.2% to 23.4%, I2 = 70.1%). Suicidal ideation prevalence data were extracted from 24 cross-sectional studies (n = 21 002) from 15 countries. All but 1 study used self-report instruments. The overall pooled crude prevalence of suicidal ideation was 11.1% (2043/21 002 individuals; 95% CI, 9.0% to 13.7%, I2 = 95.8%). Summary prevalence estimates ranged across assessment modalities from 7.4% to 24.2%. In this systematic review, the summary estimate of the prevalence of depression or depressive symptoms among medical students was 27.2% and that of suicidal ideation was 11.1%. Further research is needed to identify strategies for preventing and treating these disorders in this population.

Disempowering parenting and mental health among Asian American youth: Immigration and ethnicity

Consequences of Psychological Distress in Adolescents with Acne

Although anxiety symptoms and depressive symptoms are linked with increases in suicidal ideation, they leave much of the variance in suicidal ideation unexplained. Loneliness may mediate the links between anxiety symptoms and suicidal ideation as well as depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation. To analyze the mediating role of loneliness in the association between anxiety symptoms and suicidal ideation as well as in the association between depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation. This cross-sectional study used data collected between May 31, 2017, and October 1, 2023, from 62 685 US adults who completed the self-report mental health survey portion of the National Institutes of Health's All of Us Research Program. Self-report surveys estimated anxiety symptoms (using the 7-item Generalized Anxiety Disorder scale), depressive symptoms (using the first 8 items of the 9-item Patient Health Questionnaire [PHQ-9]), loneliness (using the UCLA Loneliness Scale), and suicidal ideation (using item 9 of the PHQ-9). Analyses were conducted in August of 2025. The analytic sample of 62 685 individuals had a mean (SD) age of 61.8 (16.1) years and included 40 749 women (65.0%). Anxiety symptoms (r = 0.33; P < .001), depressive symptoms (r = 0.39; P < .001), and loneliness (r = 0.31; P < .001) correlated with suicidal ideation. When controlling for gender and race and ethnicity, depressive symptoms (B = 0.017 [95% CI, 0.017-0.019]), anxiety symptoms (B = 0.004 [95% CI, 0.004-0.006]), and loneliness (B = 0.007 [95% CI, 0.007-0.008]) accounted for significant variability in suicidal ideation. Loneliness partially mediated the association between anxiety symptoms (average causal mediation effect = 0.01; proportion mediated, 0.25; total association, 0.03; P < .001) and suicidal ideation as well as depressive symptoms (average causal mediation effect = 0.003; proportion mediated, 0.10; total association, 0.02; P < .001) and suicidal ideation, indicating the associations of anxiety and depressive symptoms with suicidal ideation were in part mediated by loneliness. In this cross-sectional study of 62 685 participants from the All of Us Research Program, loneliness partially mediated the association between anxiety symptoms and suicidal ideation as well as depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation. Targeting and reducing loneliness may present a transdiagnostic approach to arrest the progression from anxiety and depressive symptoms toward suicidal ideation.

This study aimed to explore the relationship between different types of interpersonal relationships and anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation and discusses the impact of different grades among middle school students. The Patient Health Questionnaire Depression Scale, the Chinese version of the Generalized Anxiety Scale, suicidal ideation questions, and interpersonal relations items were used to measure the depression symptoms, anxiety symptoms, suicidal ideation, and interpersonal relations of the participants. The variables of anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, suicidal ideation, and interpersonal relations were screened using the Chi-square test and principal component analysis. AMOS17.0 constructs the path of the association between interpersonal relations and depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and suicidal ideation. The mother-child relationship had direct impacts of -0.06, -0.07, and -0.06 on anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation. On anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation, the direct impacts of the father-child relationship were -0.09, -0.03, and -0.08. Moreover, the direct effects of peer relationships on depressive symptoms were -0.04, whereas the direct impact of teacher-student relationships on anxiety and depressive symptoms were -0.10 and -0.09. Further pathway analysis based on grade level showed that in the junior high school model, the direct effect of the mother-child relationship on anxiety and depressive symptoms was -0.18 and -0.16. The direct impact of the father-child relationship on depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation was -0.08 and 0.09. The direct effect of peer relationships on depressive symptoms was -0.08, and the direct impact of the teacher-student relationship on anxiety symptoms was -0.06. In the high school model, the direct effect of the mother-child relationship on suicidal ideation was -0.07, while the direct impact of the father-child relationship on anxiety, depression, and suicidal ideation was -0.10, -0.07, and -0.12, respectively. In addition, the direct effects of peer relationships on anxiety and depression were -0.06 and -0.05, and the direct impact of teacher-student relationships on anxiety and depression was -0.10 and -0.11. The father-child relationship affects suicidal ideation and depression the most, followed by the mother-child relationship, the teacher-student interaction, and the peer relationship. The teacher-student relationship influences anxiety symptoms the most, followed by the father-child and mother-child relationships. The association between interpersonal interactions and anxiety, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation varied significantly across grade levels.