Abstract
Surfers often see themselves as “green”. In this study we examine Norwegian surfers' attitudes and actions towards the environment. The article is based on a questionnaire (n = 251) and six qualitative interviews. The results show that most surfers see themselves as environmentally conscious. Oppositely, the data also show that they also buy a lot of surf-related apparel and equipment and travel a lot, and thereby contribute with a lot of CO2-emissions. In the article we investigate the apparent attitude-action gap amongst surfers. Does the gap give rise to emotional conflicts? And, if so, to what degree and how do they cope with it. In the article we start out by analysing such potential conflicts by using the concept cognitive dissonance. Further, we analyse the phenomena from a cultural, Bourdieusian perspective where values within the surf-field is highlighted. On the one hand, surf culture highly values connexion to nature and “green” thinking, on the other hand it also values and gives recognition to surfers that travels to and explore exotic destinations. Hence, values within surf culture leads surfers to conflicting actions. We end the article by discussing if these conflicts could be framed as cultural dissonance.
Highlights
In surf magazines, surf movies, social media and surf literature, surfing is often portrayed as an activity that creates a profound, unique relation with nature—a relation so deep that it almost per se makes surfers environmental stewards (Kampion, 2003; Warshaw, 2003; Ford and Brown, 2006; Hill and Abbott, 2009a; Laderman, 2015)
The Polynesian roots of surfing are often romanticised in surf mythology and in surfers’ writings about their own histories (e.g., Young, 1994; Kampion and Brown, 2003)
The most important influence on the surf culture as it is known today, often overlooked in surf mythology, comprises two elements: surfing was connected to the tourist industry and travel at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century to popularise Hawaii as a travel destination, and surfing became part of the rising youth culture in the 1950s and the counterculture of the 1960s (Warshaw, 2010)
Summary
Surf movies, social media and surf literature, surfing is often portrayed as an activity that creates a profound, unique relation with nature—a relation so deep that it almost per se makes surfers environmental stewards (Kampion, 2003; Warshaw, 2003; Ford and Brown, 2006; Hill and Abbott, 2009a; Laderman, 2015). In a study of Surfers Against Sewage, Wheaton (2007, 2008) found that surfers should not merely be viewed as individualistic hedonists, but that such organisations can be seen as New Social Movements that are often apathetic to traditional politics but still environmentally aware. In these movements, political protests often take creative forms. Wheaton (2008) states that surfers often claim to have a privileged relationship with the water This privileged relationship is often thought of as an impetus to environmental awareness. How can we defend flying a flight to the other side of the globe, where the main purpose is surf? Is this in reality institutionalised egoism and what sentiment is it really that we are chasing, that makes us fly across the globe to experience it?
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