Abstract

On average, intimate partner violence affects nearly one in three women worldwide within their lifetime. But the distribution of partner violence is highly uneven, with a prevalence of less than 4% in the past 12 months in many high-income countries compared with at least 40% in some low-income settings. Little is known about the factors that drive the geographical distribution of partner violence or how macro-level factors might combine with individual-level factors to affect individual women's risk of intimate partner violence. We aimed to assess the role that women's status and other gender-related factors might have in defining levels of partner violence among settings. We compiled data for the 12 month prevalence of partner violence from 66 surveys (88 survey years) from 44 countries, representing 481 205 women between Jan 1, 2000, and Apr 17, 2013. Only surveys with comparable questions and state-of-the-art methods to ensure safety and encourage violence disclosure were used. With linear and quantile regression, we examined associations between macro-level measures of socioeconomic development, women's status, gender inequality, and gender-related norms and the prevalence of current partner violence at a population level. Multilevel modelling and tests for interaction were used to explore whether and how macro-level factors affect individual-level risk. The outcome for this analysis was the population prevalence of current partner violence, defined as the percentage of ever-partnered women (excluding widows without a current partner), aged from 15 years to 49 years who were victims of at least one act of physical or sexual violence within the past 12 months. Gender-related factors at the national and subnational level help to predict the population prevalence of physical and sexual partner violence within the past 12 months. Especially predictive of the geographical distribution of partner violence are norms related to male authority over female behaviour (0·102, p<0·0001), norms justifying wife beating (0·263, p<0·0001), and the extent to which law and practice disadvantage women compared with men in access to land, property, and other productive resources (0·271, p<0·0001). The strong negative association between current partner violence and gross domestic product (GDP) per person (-0·055, p=0·0009) becomes non-significant in the presence of norm-related measures (-0·015, p=0·472), suggesting that GDP per person is a marker for social transformations that accompany economic growth and is unlikely to be causally related to levels of partner violence. We document several cross-level effects, including that a girl's education is more strongly associated with reduced risk of partner violence in countries where wife abuse is normative than where it is not. Likewise, partner violence is less prevalent in countries with a high proportion of women in the formal work force, but working for cash increases a woman's risk in countries where few women work. Our findings suggest that policy makers could reduce violence by eliminating gender bias in ownership rights and addressing norms that justify wife beating and male control of female behaviour. Prevention planners should place greater emphasis on policy reforms at the macro-level and take cross-level effects into account when designing interventions. What Works to Prevent Violence Against Women and Girls-a research and innovation project funded by UK Aid.

Highlights

  • Violence against women by a male intimate partner is both a violation of women’s human rights and a profound health problem that interferes with their full participation in society and their countries’ social and economic development. violence affects many women’s lives, it does so unevenly

  • Predictive of the geographical distribution of partner violence are norms related to male authority over female behaviour (0·102, p

  • We examine the following four questions: do macro-level gender variables correlate with the geographical distribution of partner violence in the directions feminist-informed theory would suggest? What best accounts for the apparent association between a country’s level of socioeconomic development and its overall prevalence of partner violence? Which factors remain important at the macro level when analysed in the presence of other macro-level and individual-level predictors of violence? Do important cross-level interactions exist between macro-level and individuallevel factors that affect a woman’s personal risk of partner violence?

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Summary

Introduction

Violence against women by a male intimate partner is both a violation of women’s human rights and a profound health problem that interferes with their full participation in society and their countries’ social and economic development. violence affects many women’s lives, it does so unevenly. The 12 month prevalence of partner violence (established with similar questions and methods between countries) varies from 4% in highincome countries such as Denmark, the UK, Ireland, and the USA to more than 40% of women in some lowincome countries such as Ethiopia.[1,2,3,4,5] In the WHO Multicountry Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence (referred to as the WHO Study), reports of current abuse by a partner varied from less than 4% in Yokohama, Japan, and Belgrade, Serbia to 53·7% in www.thelancet.com/lancetgh Vol 3 June 2015 e332. Between July 1, 2014, and August 8, 2014, we searched Econlit, JSTOR, Scopus, NBER Working Papers, Medline, and Global Health using the search terms: “macro*”, “community*”, “ecological”, “determinant”, “cross-national“, “country-level”, “neighbourhood”, and various terms for partner violence (eg, domestic violence, wife abuse) and grey literature available on relevant websites. 9 relevant studies were identified, all with substantial flaws in their methods

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