Creating Conjugal Subjects: Devadasis and the Politics of Marriage in Colonial Madras Presidency

Abstract

Creating Conjugal Subjects: Devadasis and the PoliticsofMarriage in Colonial Madras Presidency Mytheli Sreenivas Feminist scholars of colonial southern India, a region administered as Madras Presidency by the British regime, have been intrigued by the figure of the devadasi.1 Married to a Hindu temple deity in a ceremony akin to an upper-caste Hindu wedding, devadasi women rendered ritual and artistic services within temples. In exchange for their service, they typi cally received an income from the temple. As "wives" of the deity, they were prohibited from marrying mortal men; however, many devadasis maintained sexual relationships with upper-caste male patrons. As women whose existence appears at odds with normative frameworks of conjugality and sexuality, devadasis offer scholars the promise of a recu perative history that renders visible forms of subjectivity largely absent from the colonial archive. Research documenting devadasis' modes of sociosexual reproduction lends some credence to this recuperative prom ise. Emphasizing devadasis' roles as dancers and ritual specialists, several studies argue that these dedicated women enjoyed opportunities more varied than those available within heterosexual monogamous marriage. Consequently, the colonial-era campaigns to "reform" devadasis by ending temple dedication may actually have narrowed the range of op tions available to them.2 Feminist Studies37, no. 1 (Spring 2011). © 2011 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 63 64 Mytheli Sreemvas Others contest this view to argue that devadasis, like all women, were subject to stringent restrictions on their sexuality and autonomy: for example, devadasis were expected to be sexually available to upper-caste men and were thus open to exploitation at the hands of male elites.3 From this perspective, the campaign to abolish the devadasi institution repre sented a potentially emancipatory change for devadasis, even though its more radical antipatriarchal promise remained unfulfilled. As these diver gent interpretations suggest, the attempt to recuperate devadasi histories necessarily confronts questions about patriarchal power and women's autonomy under colonial conditions. To engage such questions, this article begins from the premise, following Mary John and Janaki Nair, that both devadasis and nondevada sis operated within a shared—and shifting—patriarchal system in colonial India.1 The divine marriages of devadasis and the mortal marriages of nondevadasi women were constructed in relation to each other and oper ated within common frameworks regulating women's sexuality, eco nomic activity, and familial status. Throughout much of the colonial era, these women thus existed alongside, albeit in frequent tension with, the conjugal modes sustaining the majority of Hindu wives. However, these tensions escalated within the context of a new politics of conjugality developed during the final decades of colonial rule. This article situates the 1920s campaign to abolish temple dedication and "reform" devadasi women within this broader politics of conjugality. The conjugal practices of temple-dedicated women shaped their sexuality, access to and control over property, and their family status in ways that were distinct from most Hindu women. As wives of the deity, devadasis accrued ritual privileges and the income from tax-free or tax reduced land grants known as inams. Some devadasis amassed considerable wealth, were recognized as the heads of their families, and were able to adopt female children. A number of devadasis received training in music and dance—skills unavailable to most Hindu wives. In a society with limited literacy for women, some devadasis were among the minority of women who could read and write. Although devadasis' relationship to the temple economy eroded under colonial rule, some dedicated women were able to maintain their distinct status into the 1920s. Mytheli Sreemvas 65 However, within the conjugal politics developing in southern India during this period, feminists and nationalists increasingly criticized devadasis as the antithesis of respectable Indian wifehood. These activists sought to reform marriage in the service of women's freedom and na tional liberation. Challenging oppressive practices such as child marriage and enforced widowhood, they claimed that the impact of marriage reform extended beyond the conjugal couple and would spark national regeneration as well.5 In particular, the Indian women's movement emphasized monogamous marriage over the alternative conjugalities experienced by some dedicated women. Drawing on primary sources in both English and Tamil, authored by devadasis as well as by feminist and nationalist reformers...