Corrective Repetition of Ungrammatical Gender Agreement Stimuli: A Transcortical Sensory Aphasia Single Case Study

Abstract

ABSTRACT Background Oral repetition in Transcortical Sensory Aphasia (TSA) has been shown to display linguistically informed altering of purposefully grammatically incorrect repetition stimuli, with a tendency to correct grammatical errors during repetition in spite of the absence of semantic comprehension. Aims The present TSA single-case study, conducted in Italian, investigated the processing of linguistic Gender agreement errors through a series of oral repetition tasks, with the purpose of (i) investigating whether grammatical and semantic Gender can be independently spared; and (ii) investigating whether Gender agreement errors are informative among the linguistic facts that the patient retains sensitivity towards, and if so, how. Methods and Procedures TST, a native speaker of Italian diagnosed with TSA, was administered 8 oral repetition tasks, each containing Gender agreement errors that occurred either in phrase condition (i.e., “definite article + noun”), or in sentence condition (i.e., “subject + nominal predicate”). These different conditions were formulated with the purpose of appreciating possible differences in the processing of the Gender feature in two different syntactic environments. A number of additional variables was introduced: singular/plural; feminine/masculine; Gender morphological (un)informativeness; common noun/proper name status; animate/inanimate noun referents. Outcomes and Results During repetition, the changes applied by the patient were almost exclusively corrective and mostly followed a left-to-right strategy. Among the introduced variables, those that gave significant effects were as follows: animate/inanimate noun referents and phrase/sentence agreement. Gender morphological (un)informativeness gave no significant effects, and neither did common noun/proper name status, singular/plural and feminine/masculine nouns. Implications for linguistic theory in terms of the Gender/Class pairing are discussed. Conclusions Findings indicate that (i) grammatical and semantic Gender can be independently spared; and (ii) in Italian, Gender is morphologically realized and could consequently be accessed for the purposes of agreement only in the case of nouns of the animate kind: Gender of animate nouns elicited corrective changes, while Gender of inanimate nouns was utterly ignored.