Abstract

I examine in this study certain consonant cluster alternations in Pawnee, and propose an Optimality-theoretic account. The alternations discussed in this work involve a number of distinct phonological processes. I argue that, while they are diverse in quality, these alternations are triggered for the same reason: to optimize syllable contact (Venneman (1988)). This analysis has the following advantages: (i) unlike a rule-based analysis as in Parks (1976), this constraintbased analysis gives an unified account for the alternations that would otherwise seem unrelated to one another; (ii) in addition, it follows from this analysis why geminates are not allowed in Pawnee; (iii) it explains why different geminates undergo different degemination processes.

Highlights

  • I examine in this study certain consonant cluster alternations in Pawnee, and propose an Optimality-theoretic account

  • In order to account for the above syllable transition fact, I adopt a version of the syllable contact condition (Venneman (1988)) defined in terms of sonority (e.g., Davis and Shin (1999)) as shown in (3a)

  • I demonstrated that the syllable contact condition was partially responsible for the various consonant cluster alternations in Pawnee

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Summary

Introduction

I examine in this study certain consonant cluster alternations in Pawnee, and propose an Optimality-theoretic account. The alternations discussed in this work involve a number of distinct phonological processes. I argue that, while they are diverse in quality, these alternations are triggered for the same reason: to optimize syllable contact (Venneman (1988)). This analysis has the following advantages: (i) unlike a rule-based analysis as in Parks (1976), this constraintbased analysis gives an unified account for the alternations that would otherwise seem unrelated to one another; (ii) in addition, it follows from this analysis why geminates are not allowed in Pawnee; (iii) it explains why different geminates undergo different degemination processes

Background
Phonemic inventory
Observations
Constraints
Constraint ranking
Absence of Alternations
Affrication and stopping
Metathesis
Support
Residual issue
Conclusions

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