Conditions on Iterative Rounding Harmony in Oroqen

Abstract

AbstractIn this paper, we re‐examine the claim that Baiyinna Oroqen, a language of the Tungusic family with a largely predictable distribution of non‐high round vowels, requires a non‐iterative type of rounding harmony, by demonstrating instead the need for a clear distinction between stem‐internal morpheme structure constraints and suffixal vowel harmony. We also propose to revise what was thought to be a requirement that harmony donors must be anchored in two successive syllables; it is instead a restriction that copying of the harmonic feature must be from the closest non‐initial vowel.