Abstract

Comprehensive Peace in the Balkans: The Kosovo Question David L. Phillips (bio) I. Introduction Recent incidents in Kosovo suggest that the simmering situation there could further escalate into violent conflict. This would result in a humanitarian disaster with dimensions as serious as those seen in Bosnia-Herzegovina and with serious security implications throughout the Balkans. Regional destabilization might also disrupt implementation of The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Annexes thereto (Dayton Agreement) 1 which, after many years of bloody conflict, holds forth some prospect for peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina. 2 While Dayton establishes a framework intending to resolve the Bosnian conflict, the Agreement omits reference to Kosovo. In the post-Dayton period, there are new opportunities for a comprehensive settlement of issues in the former Yugoslavia, including the Kosovo question. The United States and its allies should be building on Dayton’s momentum by becoming more fully engaged in achieving a comprehensive [End Page 821] peace in the Balkans. With the success of US diplomacy in Dayton, everyone is looking to the United States for decisive action. There is, however, a responsibility which accompanies status as the world’s sole superpower. Today, there are heightened expectations about the role of US leadership in solving regional conflicts such as Kosovo. 3 II. The Kosovo Context A. The Heart of Serbia When queried about the origin of their problems with Albanians, many Serbs speak with romantic reminiscence about the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. The defeat of Christendom’s defenders against the invading Ottoman Turks is still commemorated by Serbs. The Battle of Kosovo has become a defining moment in their cultural history and self-perception as a long suffering people. Slobodan Milosevic proclaimed Kosovo “the heart of Serbia.” For every Serb, “Kosovo is a holy [land] . . . . There were 200,000 Serbs living in Kosovo much before Albanians ever came from the rocky mountains.” 4 However, today’s reality is different. There are approximately two million ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, which is 90 percent of the total population. Since their autonomous status was revoked in 1988, Kosovars complain about a campaign of “quiet ethnic cleansing” which is making life increasingly miserable. 5 Serbian nationalism has its roots in the fallow plains of Kosovo; Milosevic’s political base was built on a platform of Serbian hegemony over the Kosovars. With surprising familiarity, the term “ethnic cleansing” has permeated the lexicon of international relations. “Quiet ethnic cleansing” is also now becoming common parlance. Practiced out of the glare of international attention, quiet cleansing is an insidious policy which seeks to make life so unbearable that whole communities are displaced or relocate voluntarily. The conflict in the former Yugoslavia represents a dramatic instance where the dislocation of populations is the cause of war—not merely the result. [End Page 822] B. Human Rights and Self-Determination Bujar Bukoshi, Prime Minister of the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo, likens the conditions in Kosovo to apartheid in South Africa. In response to the absence of political rights, stagnant economic opportunity, and a grossly degraded physical environment, Kosovars express their deep frustration living as a “captive nation” within Serbia. 6 Milosevic claims, “[w]e don’t have any kind of conflict with the Albanians.” 7 Despite Milosevic’s assurances, UN findings describe systematic discrimination of ethnic Albanians for which there is an ample body of evidence. Resolutions and reports of the UN General Assembly, 8 the UN Human Rights Commission, 9 the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia, 10 and the UN Subcommission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities 11 have voluminously documented the deteriorating human rights situation in Kosovo. Human rights violations include random acts of violence by Serbian authorities, routine harassment and intimidation of the local population, and arbitrary arrests. There is evidence of police brutality, arbitrary searches, seizures, detentions, forced evictions, torture, and ill-treatment of detainees. 12 The administration of justice is discriminatory. In addition, local self government and civil society institutions have been suspended. Ethnic Albanian civil servants from the police and judiciary have been dismissed. There is discrimination against Albanian pupils and teachers; Albanian language elementary and...

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