Abstract

In an SOT-language like English, ‘past under past’ may have a simultaneous interpretation, i.e., we have temporal agreement. In a non-SOT language like Russian, we only have the shifted interpretation. In English, the temporal morphology of the embedded verb is determined by the matrix tense via a binding chain through verbal quantifiers such as ‘say’ or ‘think’. In Russian, these attitude verbs break the binding chain. The morphology of the embedded verb is determined locally by an embedded relative PRESENT, FUTURE or PAST. We propose that the difference between English and Russian is derived from:
 
 The SOT-parameter:
 A language L is an SOT-language if and only if the verbal quantifiers of L transmit temporal features. 
 
 Verbal quantifiers quantify over times (e.g. fut. will) or world-times (e.g. verba dicendi).
 
 The paper will take up a recent challenge by Daniel Altschuler and Olga Khomitsevich against existing accounts: verbs of perception and, occasionally, factive verbs in Russian may express simultaneity by ‘past under past’. We will show that the problem is in fact non-existent when the complement is imperfective. Concerning factives, however, we argue that the complement tense is an independent de re past. Finally, perception verbs are normally not verbal quantifiers and hence not subject to the SOT-parameter.

Highlights

  • The role of tense is ubiquitous in natural language, yet many phenomena pertaining to subordinate tense remain to be properly investigated and understood

  • In this paper we will provide a semantically motivated explanation – the sot parameter – which is intended to capture the difference between tense agreement and non-agreement languages

  • We explain the distribution of complement tense in sequence-of-tense languages and non-sequence-of-tense languages like Russian

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Summary

Introduction

The role of tense is ubiquitous in natural language, yet many phenomena pertaining to subordinate tense remain to be properly investigated and understood. In section [4], we show that Russian “past under past” with imperfective complements and/or matrix factives and perception verbs are compatible with our theory and the proposed sot parameter. The present tense morphology is licensed by a relative present operator in complements of attitude verbs in Russian (Ogihara 1989), (Kusumoto 1999), (Schlenker 1999) and (von Stechow 2003).

Results
Conclusion

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