Abstract
AbstractThis paper describes the constructions and strategies available in Tafi, a KA-Ghana-Togo-Mountain language, for indicating relations of similarity, equality or superiority among two or more entities or events with respect to a property. Drawing on typological studies of comparison, I demonstrate that Tafi’s dedicated comparative constructions, that is, equivalents of English sentences likeThe pig is more dirty than the duckinvolve serial verb construction (SVC) subtypes. For superiority, theparameter(or property, ‘dirty’) of the comparison is expressed by the V1 in the SVC while V2 is the ‘exceed’ verb. For equality, theparameteris the V1 and the V2 is the ‘be.equal’ verb. The V2s in these SVCs co-lexicalise both themark(e.g. ‘than’) andindex(e.g. ‘more’) of the comparison. The paper discusses the contact-driven influences from areal grammar and from Ewe, the dominant lingua franca for Tafi speakers, on the linguistic expression of comparison. The ‘exceed’ comparative structure found in African languages has been attributed to areal grammaticalisation. I further argue that the operator verbsɔ/sɔ̃‘be.equal’ in the Tafi equality SVC is borrowed from Ewe. Similarity constructions involve the semblativenâsí. Similarity is also signalled through the verbyi‘resemble’. I also explore the ordinal verbbhusó‘do.first’ as a lexical comparative. Furthermore, I argue that Tafi, like many other Kwa languages, does not formally code a superlative. Superlative readings are inferred from the context and from non-dedicated linguistic indicators such as intensifiers.
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