Abstract

In this work, we address structural, iconic and social dimensions of the emergence of phonological systems in two emerging sign languages. A comparative analysis is conducted of data from a village sign language (Central Taurus Sign Language; CTSL) and a community sign language (Nicaraguan Sign Language; NSL). Both languages are approximately 50 years old, but the sizes and social structures of their respective communities are quite different. We find important differences between the two languages’ handshape inventories. CTSL's handshape inventory has changed more slowly than NSL's across the same time period. In addition, while the inventories of the two languages are of similar size, handshape complexity is higher in NSL than in CTSL. This work provides an example of the unique and important perspective that emerging sign languages offer regarding longstanding questions about how phonological systems emerge.

Highlights

  • The earliest stages of the emergence of a phonological system should reveal critical aspects of the nature of phonology, in terms of its mechanisms and motivations

  • By closely comparing communities is relatively small and homogeneous (CTSL) and NSL, we suggest how some factors might be prioritised over others in a phonological system that is developing over time and in the context of different social factors

  • We present the inventories of each group, taking as our starting point the handshapes provided in Fig. 2, which represents the range of joint configuration and selected finger handshape groups attested in the current dataset

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Summary

Introduction

The earliest stages of the emergence of a phonological system should reveal critical aspects of the nature of phonology, in terms of its mechanisms and motivations. Historical and typological studies offer excellent resources for studying language change and variation across long temporal periods and an extensive geographical range (Blevins 2004, Bybee 2011, Maddieson et al 2011, Trudgill 2011, Dryer & Haspelmath 2013, Mielke 2013). These approaches do not, capture the precise moment in historical time at which articulatorily complex phonological units are evident, but before there is a mature phonological system in place

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