Comment on “Error and Regulatory Risk in Financial Institution Regulation”

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I agree with just about everything Jonathan Macey (2017) says in his symposium contribution. His claim that bureaucratic tendencies toward regularity—specifically, treating like cases alike—generate errors in categorization seems appropriate to me. His explanations of the pathologies in financial regulation should fall in the category of essential or required reading for anyone who chooses to write on the topic. Where I differ from Macey is in the choice of framework, or perspective from which to view the pathologies. Whereas Macey adopts an “error cost” framework, which is clearly appropriate for this symposium, I would build explicitly on a “public choice” framework.

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The theoretical underpinnings of financial regulation have led to an obsessive quest for transparency. This has not only led to a gradual increase in disclosure requirements, but has also generated some other unintended consequences, such as structural conflicts of interests, which affect the modes of information (and opinion) production of influential actors. Credit rating agencies, for example, have also in their own right raised new regulatory concerns. Within this wider context, this article explores whether regulatory initiatives to stringently discipline credit rating agencies’ activities (particularly with a view to issuing sovereign ratings), or other initiatives which reflect an increasing willingness to control speech in financial markets (for instance those targeting activist shareholder strategies), are in line with relevant principles guaranteeing the freedom of expression which have seemingly remained a blind spot of financial regulators. Financial regulation, transparency, disclosure, information, opinion, freedom of expression, financial disintermediation, credit rating agencies, shareholder activism, financial evaluation

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Responsible lending: consumer protection and prudential regulation perspectives
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Recent amendments to the UK Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (FSMA) by the Financial Services Act 2012 reflect the growing orthodoxy of duality of financial (prudential) regulation and consumer protection, a path also followed in sections 129 to 131 of Australia’s National Consumer Credit Protection Act 2009 and in the establishment of the US Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The duality of regulation model has led to the creation of two separate bodies for regulating the activities of banks and financial institutions. One regulator is typically responsible for prudential regulation while consumer protection broadly defined is the second regulator’s responsibility. Although the assumption is that prudential regulation and consumer protection operate in different coherent spheres, their dividing line is often nebulous in practice. One area where both financial regulation and consumer protection concerns overlap is consumer indebtedness. In August 2014, the aggregate personal debt in the UK was £1.455 trillion; the average household debt was £55,088; the average individual adult debt was £28,813, which was about 116 per cent of earnings; estimated interest repayments were £162 million per day and £59.2 billion over a 12-month period; average household annual interest repayments were £2,242, while individuals paid £1,173 constituting about 4.7 per cent of earnings in annual interest repayments. The total outstanding mortgage debt relating to about 11.1 million households was £1.29 trillion. Households owed on average £115,940 in mortgage debt and paid average annual interest of £3,733. In relation to consumer credit, the outstanding lending was £162.2 billion, while the average individual adult and household consumer credit debts were £3,220 and £6,155, respectively. In relation to credit cards, the average household debt was £2,180. Interest payments for the total debt of £57.6 billion would cost the average credit card holder £54 per month to clear the debt in five years or £38 per month to clear in ten years. The size of consumer debt in the UK renders it a significant phenomenon. Size alone does not turn a phenomenon into a problem, but there is also evidence of market failure. For example, recent consumer indebtedness statistics in the UK suggest a huge and growing problem despite widespread public concern and varying degrees of regulatory intervention.1 The Citizens Advice Bureaux in England andaverage, in the UK, one person every five minutes and 297 every day are declared bankrupt. There are 118 mortgage possession claims, 87 mortgage possession orders and 71 repossessions of mortgaged properties every day in the UK. It is largely because of the consequences of consumer indebtedness that responsible lending is attracting increased attention. Responsible lending involves evaluating contextual factors that impact on a borrower’s ability to repay loans. The factors include existing indebtedness, employment situation, caring responsibilities, psychological, physical and emotional health situations, personal habits and consumption. As a result, Charlie McCreevy, the European Union Internal Market Commissioner, described responsible lending and responsible borrowing respectively as ‘[w]here the credit products sold are appropriate for consumers’ needs and are tailored to their ability to repay’ and ‘where consumers provide relevant, complete and accurate information on their financial conditions’.2 The Internal Market Commissioner, therefore, regarded both responsible lending and responsible borrowing as ‘vital components in ensuring a stable and effective market’.3

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Part 1 General overview: regulating financial services and markets in the 21st century - an overview, Eilis Ferran and Charles A.E. Goodhart reforming financial regulation - progress and priorities, Howard Davies. Part 2 Objectives and principles: regulatory principles and the financial services and markets act 2000, Colin Mayer examining the objectives of financial regulation - will the new regime succeed? a practitioner's view, Amelia C. Fawcett incentive v. rule-based financial regulations - a role for market discipline, Rahul Dhumale. Part 3 Regulation of senior management: directors' fiduciary duties and the approved persons regime, Colin Bamford fiduciary duties, regulation of companies and regulation of individuals, Adam Ridley. Part 4 Discipline, enforcement and human rights: regulatory discipline and the European contention on human rights - a reality check, Daniel F. Waters and Martyn Hopper holding the balance - effective enforcement, procedural fairness and human rights, Thomas A.G. Beazley. Part 5 Accountability: regulating the regulator -a lawyer's perspective on accountability and control, Alan Page regulating the regulator - an economist's perspective on accountability and control, Charles A.E. Goodhart public accountability in the financial sector, Rosa M. Lastra and Heba Shams. Part 6 European regulation: regulating European markets - the harmonization of securities regulation in Europe in the new trading environment, Eddy Wymeersch the case for a European securities commission, Gilles Thieffry. Part 7 International regulation: new issues in international financial regulation, John Eatwell the financial stability forum (FSF) - just another acronym?, Andrew G. Haldane the need for efficient international financial regulation and the role of a global supervisor, Kern Alexander. Part 8 Role of rating agencies: the role of rating agencies in global market regulation, Steven L. Schwarcz the role of credit rating agencies in the establishment of capital standards for financial institutions in a global economy, Howell E. Jackson. Part 9 Technological change and regulation: the challenge of technology - regulation of electronic financial markets.

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Do credit ratings influence the demand/supply of audit effort?
  • Oct 5, 2020
  • Journal of Applied Accounting Research
  • Hyoung Joo Lim + 1 more

PurposeFirm management has an incentive to improve credit ratings to enjoy the reputational and financial benefits associated with higher credit ratings. In this study, the authors question whether audit effort in hours can be considered incrementally increasing with credit ratings. Based on legitimacy theory, the authors conjecture that firms with higher credit ratings will demand higher levels of audit effort to signal audit and financial quality compared to firms with higher levels of credit risk.Design/methodology/approachThe authors conduct empirical tests using a sample of Korean-listed firms using a sample period covering 2001–2015.FindingsThe results show that firms with higher credit ratings demand higher audit effort in hours compared to client firms with lower credit ratings. The authors interpret that firms with higher ratings (lower risk) demand higher levels of audit effort in hours to reduce information asymmetry and to demonstrate that financial reporting systems are robust based on audit effort signaling audit quality. The authors also interpret that firms with lower credit ratings do not have incentives to signal similar audit quality. The authors also capture the “Big4 auditor expertise” effect by demonstrating that client firms audited by nonBig4 auditors demand additional audit effort with increasing credit rating compared to Big4 clients.Research limitations/implicationsAudit effort is considered a signal of firm risk in the literature. This study’s results show evidence that audit effort is inversely related to firm risk.Practical implicationsThe results show that audit hour information is informative and likely managed by firm stakeholders. Internationally, it is not possible to capture the audit demand of clients because listing audit hours on financial statements is not a rule. Given that audit hours can be considered informative, the authors believe that legislators could consider implementing a policy to mandate that audit hours be recorded on international annual reports to enhance transparency.Originality/valueSouth Korea is one of few countries to list audit effort on annual reports. Therefore, the link between audit effort and credit ratings is unique in South Korea because it is one of few countries in which market participants likely monitor audit effort.

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