Coming Home to Nez Perce Country: The Niimiipuu Campaign to Repatriate Their Exploited Heritage

Abstract

In Coming Home to Nez Perce Country, Trevor James Bond aims to prove that the process by which the Spalding-Allen Collection was acquired came under dubious circumstances. In doing so, Bond takes readers on a multilayered journey through history, with the collection serving as an underlying living entity, lying in wait, facing multiple challenges to return to its rightful home among the Niimiipuu.In 1847, missionary Henry Spalding shipped two barrels of Nez Perce material culture to his friend Dr. Dudley Allen in Ohio. The journey would take two years and an incredible toll on the condition of the items, yet Allen begged, “I want more [Native American collections]. They are all worth having!” (17). Bond highlights the destructive practice of missionaries and colonists removing items from tribes as well as assimilation attempts and federal policies that have historically supported these dark efforts.Nearly 150 years since the barrels were shipped, it may now seem difficult to prove the intention of Spalding’s acquisition of the collection. Using Spalding’s own words through deep archival research, primary sources, and Nez Perce oral tradition from living members of the source community, Bond ensures that the reader will find it hard to argue in favor of Spalding. While Spalding did not share the names of the Nez Perce that he took items from, the missionary ironically established more provenance than was common at the time. That provenance would come under threat in the care of the Oberlin Museum in Ohio. In 1942, the collection would be transferred to the Ohio Historical Society (OHS) for “proper” care due to storage conditions. In the care of OHS, items from the collection would be largely overlooked and separated, even mixed with other artifacts. OHS continued Spalding’s legacy of placing a dollar value on what belonged to the Nez Perce.In Coming Home to Nez Perce Country, Bond shows how the formerly overlooked collection gained attention and value through exhibit requests and then an appraisal which caused OHS to view the collection as marketable. The collection was loaned to the Nez Perce National Historic Park on an annual basis, and after appraisals (the final valuing the collection at $608,100), OHS sought to have the collection returned, refusing to work with the Nez Perce Tribe and only communicating with the National Park Service. Finally, an agreement was reached and OHS offered the collection to the tribe for the appraised amount, giving them only six months to come up with the funds. What culminated was a national effort including schoolchildren and grunge bands to raise the funds so that the Nez Perce could retain what is rightfully theirs. Their culture and history, taken from them, commodified, and sold back.The voice of the Nez Perce is vital in this book and should serve as an example of how to work with source communities regarding their cultural material. The Nez Perce do not place monetary value on these objects; rather, they see them as living entities in a familial way, even as a form of prayer. Objects made by Nez Perce hands transcend the specific purposes for which they were made. Quotes by the Nez Perce reflect this deep connection, as in Josiah Pinkham’s statement: “By bringing the collection home, we’re helping the Nez Perce people to survive” (119). These items are made from the heart and passed from generation to generation, representing who the people are, connected to their place, where they belong. Bond’s writing encourages readers to rethink both the long history of collecting and curatorial practices in the name of preservation as well as the long-overdue process of bringing material culture back home.