Abstract
Finite subordinate clauses in English which lack an overt complementizer (that-less clauses) have been analyzed either as CPs with a null head (the CP-hypothesis) or as finite IP complements (the IP-hypothesis). This paper provides novel evidence from adverbial adjunction facts in favor of the IP-hypothesis. An immediate consequence is the loss of the Empty Category Principle account of the distribution of that-less clauses (Stowell 1981). However, it is shown that this is not a serious objection as the ECP account is problematic in many respects. The IP analysis resonates with several strands of current research, being compatible both with the research program which seeks to eliminate c-selection in favor of s-selection (for example Pesetsky 1991) and with recent approaches which seek to eliminate superfluous levels of projection (Chomsky 1995; Grimshaw 1994)
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