Abstract
The recent explosion of popular protest in China, often framed as a demand for the fulfillment of “rights,” has captured widespread attention. Some observers interpret the protests as signs of a “moral vacuum.” Others see the unrest as signaling a powerful new “rights consciousness.” In either case, the protests are often regarded as a major challenge to the stability of the political system. In this article, an examination of Chinese conceptions of “rights,” as reflected in the ethical discourses of philosophers, political leaders, and protesters (and as contrasted with American understandings of rights), provides the basis for questioning prevailing assumptions about the fragility of the Chinese political order. For over two millennia, Chinese political thought, policy, and protest have assigned central priority to the attainment of socioeconomic security. As a result, the meaning of “rights” in Chinese political discourse differs significantly from the Anglo-American tradition. Viewed in historical context, China's contemporary “rights” protests seem less politically threatening. The Chinese polity appears neither as vacuous nor as vulnerable as it is sometimes assumed to be.Elizabeth J. Perry is Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government at Harvard University and is the current President of the Association for Asian Studies (eperry@latte.harvard.edu). A preliminary draft of this paper was delivered as a keynote address at the conference on Socioeconomic Rights and Justice in China held at Dickinson College in April 2004. The author is grateful to the conference organizer, Neil Diamant, for the invitation to consider these issues and to the other conference participants (especially David Strand and Jerome Cohen) for their challenging comments and questions. A substantially revised version was presented at the conference in memory of Benjamin Schwartz, held in Shanghai at East China Normal University in December 2006. Thanks are due to the conference organizers and participants (particularly Zhu Zhenghui, Xu Jilin, Zhang Jishun, Tong Shijun, and Roderick MacFarquhar) for their stimulating suggestions. Appreciation is also extended to Stephen Angle, Nara Dillon, Mary Gallagher, and Kevin O'Brien for their critical reading of an earlier draft.
Highlights
The State Council report contends that – prior to the advent of Western imperialism – the Chinese people had experienced some minimal fulfillment of rights, but that this safety net was demolished by the foreign assaults of the mid-19th century
The first important achievement of the Chinese Communist Party . . . was to drive the imperialist invaders out of China, paving the way for China to realize real independence. . . . The genuine and complete independence of China has created the fundamental premise for the Chinese people's selection of their own social and political systems . . . and for the uninterrupted improvement of human rights in China
My purview is limited to conceptions of rights, as reflected in the ethical discourses of Chinese philosophers, political leaders and protesters
Summary
The belief that human nature is inherently social, and that conflict between the individual and the larger community is unnatural and unnecessary, is certainly central to both.30 Here I would like to highlight two affinities between Mao and Mencius: the importance of popular – in particular peasant – support in establishing political legitimacy; and, relatedly, the natural propensity of those who are hard-pressed economically to rebel against rapacious officials.31 Nowhere did Mao express these views more passionately or eloquently than in his famous “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” published in March of at a time when most of his comrades in the Chinese Communist Party were still focusing on workers in the cities rather than on the rural peasantry.
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