Abstract

The compiled volume Childhood with Bourdieu, published in the Palgrave series ‘Studies in Childhood and Youth’, sets out to contribute to the literature in the field of sociology of childhood, pursuing the genuinely sociological concern of relating ‘private troubles’ and ‘public issues’. The introduction by the book's editors laying out Bourdieu's main concepts is followed by nine chapters written by authors from a variety of different backgrounds. This purposeful mix is one of the great strengths of this collection, as the array of perspectives makes for an interesting and inspiring read. That the chapter authors read and commented on each other's writings, as opposed to only the editors commenting, makes it an example of a rather rare collaborative, and more than usually equitable, working style. The studies presented in these chapters cover different corners of the world and explore a broad range of themes related to children and young people such as early childhood education, children's support networks, the commuting trajectories of adolescents and welfare services for children. The case studies focus narrowly on the application of Bourdieu's concepts in an affirmative manner, that is their usefulness is confirmed as opposed to being discussed or examined. Three chapters of the collection present themselves as particularly worthwhile reading: Brooker's exploration of UK government policy aimed at alleviating inequality by means of targeted intervention, and of possible reasons for the reproduction of inequality in spite of them, is one of these. Her special interests are differences in cultural capital and their relationship with inequality. She also raises important questions about measuring cultural capital adequately, taking a stance in favour of ethnographic approaches. Another study deserving particular mentioning is Vuorisalo and Alanen's microscopic view of power relationships among preschool children in Finland, focussing on child–child and child–teacher interaction. Conversation is considered as both a relevant practice and as a particular type of capital which, combined, contribute significantly to structuring the social hierarchy in the setting. The authors suggest that this has repercussions on the habitus the children develop and a knock-on effect on how they will navigate life beyond and after the preschool. The merit of this chapter is that it makes existing power relationships visible among children who do not normally receive much attention. André and Hilgers’ chapter on children working in artisanal mining in sub-Saharan Africa asks how children are conceptualised in development discourses, whether these understandings are sensitive in the respective specific environment, and what kind of repercussions these conceptualisations have on the ground. The main theoretical concept supporting the analysis of mechanisms of domination is symbolic violence. The relevance of this chapter lies in its contributions to discussions of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which it can certainly enrich. That Bourdieu's complex theoretical framework and its main concepts are well explained makes the book accessible to readers who have little or no prior knowledge of this particular sociological theory. However, a perhaps inevitable limitation of a compiled volume in this format is the partial overlaps and repetitions, as extensive explanations are provided in the introduction and then again by chapter authors, although with slight variations. This might have been prevented by including a separate section setting out theoretical concepts, to which chapter authors then referred. A by-product of this strategy would have been that authors had more space at their disposal for presenting their data material and developing their arguments. Notwithstanding this criticism, this collection of articles is long overdue, since the writings of Reay and Connolly have already demonstrated that Bourdieu's concepts can be useful analytical tools to achieve a better understanding of children's lifeworlds and lived experiences. The content of some of the chapters is particularly relevant for those working with children and young people, and two of the chapters should be particularly appealing to the staff of NGOs operating in the context of childhood and development. However, the overall writing style and wording confirm that academics are the main target audience. The book will appeal to scholars with a primary interest in Bourdieu and the theoretical framework he developed, as well as those seeking to explore the broader circumstances in which children and young people live and interact. It is worth mentioning that in spite of the book's title suggesting a narrow focus on childhood, it can speak to scholars in both childhood and youth studies. Postgraduate students intending to use Bourdieu's concepts to frame their first major pieces of empirical work will find excellent examples in some of the chapters of how to intertwine data material and theoretical concepts in a lively, readable manner, as well as helpful indications for further reading.

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