Charting Putin’s Shifting Populism in the Russian Media from 2000 to 2020

Tina Burrett

doi:10.17645/pag.v8i1.2565

Abstract

This article analyses the changing themes of Vladimir Putin’s populist messaging during his almost 20 years at the apex of Russian politics. To reveal shifts in Putin’s populist rhetoric, the article examines Russian media framing of his four presidential-election campaigns and of Russia’s relations with China and the United States (U.S.). Public opinion data is used to assess the impact of Putin’s populist propaganda. The article begins by assessing to what degree Putin can be considered a populist politician, concluding that while his rhetoric is populist his rule is largely not. The article further finds that Putin has maintained his populist appeal by turning his ire from domestic economic elites to international political enemies, specifically by positioning himself as the main challenger to U.S. hegemony in the global system. Putin’s control of the Russian media, co-opting of opposition populist causes and geopolitical victories in Syria and Crimea have helped him maintain his populist connection with Russian voters. But, the article concludes, growing access to anti-Kremlin online media, the pain of economic sanctions, botched social welfare reforms, and the presence of effective opposition movements are causing Putin’s populism to lose its lustre.

Highlights

Almost two-decades before Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin won power in Russia by promising to ‘make Russia great again.’ A faceless functionary until his surprise appointment as President Yeltsin’s prime minister in August 1999, Putin used his obscurity to fashion a populist image as a man of the people
Putin is more populist in his rhetoric than in his ideology or style of governance, conforming most closely to discursive definitions of populism
Putin came to power by neutralising the influence of Yeltsin-era oligarchs, a new breed of politically-connected tycoons have taken their place (Foy, 2019)

Summary

Introduction

Almost two-decades before Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin won power in Russia by promising to ‘make Russia great again.’ A faceless functionary until his surprise appointment as President Yeltsin’s prime minister in August 1999, Putin used his obscurity to fashion a populist image as a man of the people. Earthy-toned pledges to ‘wipe out’ Chechen terrorists, crackdown on unruly oligarchs and to restore Russia’s international prestige won Putin the presidency in March 2000 During his first presidential term, Putin’s jailing and exile of media moguls and other tycoons helped remove his wealthy political opponents, while cementing his anti-establishment credentials with ordinary Russians (Burrett, 2011). The final section of the article analyses the durability of Putin’s populism It argues that Putin’s control of the Russian media, co-opting of opposition populist causes and geopolitical victories in Syria and Crimea have helped him maintain his populist connection with Russian voters, despite presiding over an enduringly kleptocratic state. The article’s conclusion returns to the question of whether Putin can be classified as a populist, arguing that his leadership fits most closely with discursive descriptions of populism and that the Russian president has become less populist and more nationalist over the course of his long tenure (de la Torre, 2007)

Is Putin a Populist?

From the Oligarchs to Overseas Enemies

Is Putin’s Populism Durable?

Findings

Conclusion