Chanter le poète, et <i>inversement</i>. Evaristo Carriego dans le tango argentin

his dissertation evaluates and explores the way in which class signification operates within British popular music. Notably, British rock music has forged a connection between working class experience and signification and notions of the authentic . This has been reinforced both within the disciplines of sociology and cultural studies by a focus on the articulation of marginalised and counter-hegemonic voices through popular music that is usually understood to have working class social origins, particularly in relation to subcultural activity. However, this dissertation utilises performativity theory to understand how popular music is capable of forming a discourse that provides performed subjectivities that articulate class identities. These identities are not simple manifestations of class-based experience, but are manifestations particular to popular music. Where performativity theory has dealt with the issue of class, the assumption has primarily been that middle class subjectivities are prioritised at the expense of working class identities. Within British rock discourse this relationship is consistently reversed, privileging working class subjectivity. This process acts as a strategy of authentication, a strategy that is demanded by the seemingly contradictory relationship between art and commerce, a contradiction at the heart of popular music. As rock discourse provides the listener with subjectivities to be performed, the subject’s relationship to a commercial industry is often masked by signifiers of authenticity, in this case, class-based identities and iconography. As such working class subjectivity is prioritised as a means to manage the commercial nature of rock music, even as that commercial structure (the music industry) provides that subjectivity. Through case studies focussing on folk rock, punk and indie rock, the articulation of class identity is explored as an assurance of authenticity that is performed and regulated through rock discourse as it connects with an invented tradition of the folk voice , a mythical representation of 'the (working class) people' constructed as a response both to modernity and the industrialisation of popular music.

“Does Anybody Have A Map?”: The Impact of “Virtual Broadway” on Musical Theater Composition

Songs and Intellectuals:

This study notes the affinity that exists between poetry and popular songs which can be useful to poetry reading education and conducted an experiment to observe how advanced learners read modern Korean poetry using popular songs. In accordance with their reading patterns, this study seeks an effective way to teach students modern Korean poetry. Poetry is considered difficult to access due to ambiguity and connotation, while popular songs are easily understood by simple language and repetitive structure which are different from poetry. However, these two genres have links in visible aspects such as poetic language, subject matter, rhythm, format and structure, so that learners can react with these links and read poetry more independently. The positive role of popular songs in the learners’ poetry reading process can be seen in Korean learners’ reading patterns. The learners supplemented or modified their understanding of poetry through connecting the poetry and songs, and their understanding could be deepened when they analyzed the differences between them. Furthermore, they reconstructed the meaning of poetry in their own context. According to the result of experiment, this study raises a few suggestions which will enhance the effectiveness of modern Korean poetry reading education using popular songs. (Seoul National University)

At the present day, music stands as the first of the most important elements which have an influence on cultural life. With its’ peculiar genres, it has features which influence cultural life and the process of education. In this study; the relationship between popular music,- which is thought to have a considerable place in the music genres- and music education has been attempted to be evaluated . Concepts such as popular music and popular culture were tried to be explained and the popular musics performed in our country were examined. After the investigation of popular music concept, the relationship between popular music and music education was displayed, practices related to popular music in music education were analysed and along with given suggestions, some evaluations were made.

MOST previous discussions of the history of British trade unions, as Alastair Reid says in his opening sentence, ‘have portrayed a unitary figure of “the working class” in either a heroic or a sinister light’. Reid offers instead an approach based on the ‘alternative idea of “working people” who were an integral part of the society in which they lived’. This appears to be admirable; but on closer reading some difficulties arise. First, it is surprising to read that previous work worth taking seriously portrayed a unitary figure of the working class. Disregard Communist and fellow-travelling heroics (and save yourself a lot of reading). Serious histories of working-class politics have always queried how unitary, or otherwise, the British working class was. E.P. Thompson argued unconvincingly that something called ‘the English working class’ was ‘made’ by, at the latest, 1834. It would have been made sooner and more firmly, but for the ‘ritualised form of psychic masturbation’ (The Making of the English Working Class, p. 368) which is Thompson's description of Methodism. Less vivid but more credible historiography is kinder to Methodism and respects the plurality of the working classes into the twentieth century and even the present day. The Webbs; the Coles; Clegg, Fox, and Thompson; and indeed Reid himself in his important contribution to the debate on the redness of Clydeside during World War I: all see the history of Britain's Trade Unions as at best a dubiously united stand. Fundamentally, the interests of a trade union are the interests of those who voluntarily pay membership fees, unless hijacked by somebody else. The interests of (the Amalgamated Society of) Locomotive Engineers and Firemen overlap with, but are not identical to, those of other Rail, Maritime and Transport workers. These divisions survive in the names of twenty-first-century trade unions, even though there are no longer many locomotive firemen in ASLEF. Indeed, Reid immediately, and rightly, qualifies his opening generalisation by reasserting the traditional three groups of craft, industry (Reid = ‘seniority’) and general unskilled (Reid = ‘federal’) unionism, distinguished by different amounts of labour-market power and hence different strategy and tactics. If ‘the working class’ is a straw man whose stuffing has been knocked out by a century of careful historiography, what about Reid's alternative, ‘working people’? The problem is that a history of working people would be a history of everybody except the retired, the unemployed, homemakers, rentiers, and perhaps capitalists. That is not the set of people of whom Reid writes. He goes outside the set to write about the unemployed, and excludes the subset of working people who did not join unions. Maybe the best description of his subject set is ‘people in those social classes who, if male, in 1912 wore flat caps or bowlers, but no ties’, as depicted in the evocative cover picture.

Classical music today has a bigger and more universal following than ever, the age of the CD making it accessible to a vast audience. Here is a book that will bring vividly to life the worlds of some of our greatest composers. Taking the form of a chronological diary from 1600 to the present day, it leads the reader through the centuries, year by year, and follows the great composers' overlapping and interweaving lives. It contains details of: the main musical works and events of the year; the life and background of each composer; concurrent historical and artistic events and influences. Carefully cross-referenced with the chronological data are a series of special features discussing in detail the key works, influences on musical form and performance, the changing working conditions and status of the musicians, and the development of musical instruments. The book includes: extracts from original letters and journals; hundreds of illustrations reproducing posters, cartoons, photographs, documents and musical scores; an extensive reference section including biographies, a timeline and a guide to the top recordings and performers.

From the outbreak of the Homeland War (1991–1995) in Croatia to the present day popular music has been used as a means to commemorate the upheaval and sacrifice of Croatia's war against the Yugoslav National Army and the Serb militia. This paper focuses on the musical commemoration of a particular region, Eastern Slavonia, which was not fully integrated into the Croatian state until three years after the official end of the war. The narrative, vocabulary and symbols established during the immediate wartime phase have persisted into the present day when war memory has become inflected by post-war developments, such as the indictment of Croatian Army officers for war crimes.

ALMOST a century has passed since Friedrich Dietrich' suggested that the first 1664 lines of the Exeter Book, comprising three distinct sections of Anglo-Saxon poetic material, were actually part of one single design. This hypothetical entity he named Christ. A sporadic, inconclusive controversy on the question of its unity continues to the present day. Three types of evidence have been adduced in discussions of this problem: paleographic, stylistic, and ideological. The manuscript evidence is of two kinds, neither of which is conclusive: paleographers have assumed a uniformity in the divisional punctuation of the scribe that has been demonstrated to be false;2 and the position of Cynewulf's signature passage only at the end of the second section really has no bearing upon unity.3 Stylistic analyses of the poetic material have produced such divergent judgments that they may justifiably be set aside.4 The third approach, which seeks to offer an ideological foundation for claims of unity, would seem to be the most hopeful basis for a solution of the problem. Dietrich himself felt that there was some theological unity, a threefold 'coming' of Christ, evident in the material. This trilogy was composed of the themes of Advent, Ascension, and Judgment, corresponding roughly to the divisions in the manuscript. Attractive as this proposal seemed, some foundation for it had to be found in contemporary or antecedent church philosophy before it could be persuasively argued; proof of a local and current eighth century association of the three dominant themes was necessary. Neither Dietrich nor his supporters have produced such evidence.5 Indeed, the multiplicity of sources available for the Christ material has tended rather to belie the existence of an underlying unified ideology and to corroborate the impression that no such existed elsewhere. But it should be pointed out that students have restricted the field of their unsuccessful searches for a similar threefold association of Advent, Ascension, and Judgment: they have looked only in literature. It is important to recall that the eighth century Northumbrian monks, while composing literature like Christ, also engaged

Ever since its inception in the 1960s, one of the great promises of historical archaeology has been its power to supply voices to people who either have been ignored in the historical record or who can be seen there only through the eyes of biased contemporary observers. Throughout history the working poor have constituted the most prominent cultural group in this category, and historical archaeologists both in the United States and abroad have begun to make important contributions to our understanding of working class life (Beaudry and Mrozowski 1987-1989; Cheek and Friedlander 1990; Seifert 1991; Schackel and Winter 1994; Kelly et al. 1996; Seifert et al. 1998; McCarthy 1999; Murray 1999; Van Heyningen and Malan 1999). Unfor tunately, until the excavation of Block 160 in the old Five Points neighborhood, archaeologists studying New York City had not for the most part been able to investigate the ways of life of the working poor. For studies based on excava tions that are exceptions to this statement, see Levin (1985), Howson (1994), and Baugher and Lenik (1997) and for more recent excavations, see Grossman (1995) and Blakey (1997). This early neglect on the part of the city's urban archaeologists stems from two quite different factors. One has to do with the organization of production in urban America from colonial times through the early 19th century and bears on the archaeological study of the ways of life of those without property during that period of the city's history, while the other is related to the organization of the modern-day archaeologi cal study of the city. Throughout New York's early history, many members of the working poor, whether enslaved or free, lived in the combined homes and work places of their masters (Blackmar 1989:57-62). Servants, apprentices, journeymen, and the enslaved all lived under the same roofs as their employers or "owners" and the latter's families, and together with them formed the spatially integrated urban colonial household. Naturally, this settlement system has ramifications for those who attempt to look to the archaeological record to interpret the ways of life of the working poor (as well as their employers or "owners") in the past. It means that even in those cases where archaeologists have an assemblage from a household that written records show included the poor and the enslaved, we cannot with any confidence ascribe particular parts of the assemblage from that household to any specific sub-group that we know lived and labored in these combined homes and workplaces. Instead, we must consider the entire assemblage as a whole and use it to interpret the lifeways of the household as a unit. The reorganization of the work process and the transformation of the social relations of production were integral parts of the develop ment of capitalism in the early 19th-century city. Employers separated their homes from their workplaces and established households that consisted of only their own family members and their female domestic servants. The enslaved finally achieved their freedom, and both they and shop workers became "detached" from the households of their masters and found their own living quarters in the newly developing poorer neighborhoods of the city, including the Five Points. It was these neighborhoods that were the locus of the formation of the city's working class. During the early part of the 19th century, the working class consisted primarily of native born people of European and African descent. In the decades before the mid-19th century, their ranks began to be flooded by the waves of immigrants who would continue, off and on, to form the bulk of the working class down to the present day (Gutman 1987). Naturally archaeologists have been eager to explore the sites where members of the poor lived in the 19th century as well as where the "unattached" poor had lived during the earlier colonial period. However-and this is the other reason that archaeologists have learned so little about the ways of life of the laboring poor in the city-the logistics of doing urban archaeology

Reviewed by: Paris in Modern Times: From the Old Regime to the Present Day by Casey Harison Sharon L. Fairchild Harison, Casey, Paris in Modern Times: From the Old Regime to the Present Day. Bloomsbury, 2020. ISBN 978-1-3500-0552-5. Pp. 344. These past few years have seen a fair amount of scholarship devoted to the urban history of Paris beginning at the end of the nineteenth century, such as the construction boom of housing projects, poor neighborhoods surrounding the city, and recreational structures. Paris in Modern Times is a textbook of Parisian history aimed at upper-division undergraduate or graduate students. It contributes to urban development studies, analyzing the less-studied circumstances of the working classes and poor in Paris, while tracing the development of modernity in the city. This book provides a survey of political events and cultural phenomena in Paris from the end of the Revolution to the early twenty-first century. With its focus exclusively on Paris, it attempts to fill a gap that Harison perceives in the field of French history. This ambitious work has a large scope. Each chapter is organized into four broad categories of politics, society, economy, and culture. They are headed by a chronology and the categories are further divided into subsections. Sidebar articles animate the narrative by treating interesting unique phenomena such as chiffonniers, bouquinistes, bridges of Paris, bread, etc. Paris has always occupied a dominant, yet problematic place in French culture and politics. Regions outside of Paris struggled with the overbearing influence of the capital, yet it was here that modernity was born. It was a center that fostered new political ideas, artistic styles, culture, and philosophy that influenced other countries. Although the text includes passages on literature, music, and art, it emphasizes social history, especially the "Other Paris" and the "Social Question," the working and lower classes. The book is well-suited to be used as a reference, due to its organization, useful chronologies, and the fact that the chapters appear to have been written independently from each other. Because of this structure, however, the narrative is at times disjointed and lacks continuity. The text bounces back and forth in time within the sections, giving rise to the repetition of events and references to individuals already discussed in other contexts. As Harison admits in the introduction, the analysis is broader than it is deep (2), which is evident as the reader would like to discover not only what events took place, but how they developed. Harison's work is laudable for its extensive coverage, detail, and commitment to the story of the "Other Paris," but suffers from a lack of editing. It is flawed by frequent typographical errors, as well as misnomers such [End Page 246] as "likelihood" instead of "livelihood" (90), "sew" instead of "sow (182), "formally" instead of "formerly" (116), and other errors. In addition, references to various images (figures) are problematic. The text (56) refers to Figure 2.5, which should be Figure 2.4. Discussing the number of foreigners in Paris (106), the text refers to an unrelated photo of a shopping arcade ten pages earlier (Figure 4.3, 97); and a photo of the Paris Hôtel de Ville (Figure 7.4) does not support the discussion of tourism. Nevertheless, this is a practical and useful work. Sharon L. Fairchild Texas Christian University, emerita Copyright © 2020 American Association of Teachers of French

Since the mid 1970s, Argentine society has gone through a period characterised as counterrevolutionary. The conservative social forces, led by the financial oligarchy, seized power and government by means of the coup d’état of 1976, and imposed an economic and social policy towards the working class, based on wage cuts and a lengthening of the working day. When the military governments were replaced by civilian ones, physical coercion was replaced by economic coercion, through market laws with unemployment and wage cuts reaching unprecedented levels. Although the popular forces were weakened by the unfavourable development of social struggles since the mid–1970s, during the 1990s government policies were confronted by the people through different forms of struggle.This article presents the results of research on the different forms of social struggle carried out by the working class and other popular classes since the end of the 1980s until today. It aims to conceptualise the forms of rebellion (foot riot, riot, strikes and roadblocks), to determine the different moments of social struggle and the likely trends of its development.

From the Communist Manifesto onwards, the self-emancipation of the working class was central to Marx’s thought. And so it was for subsequent generations of Marxists including the later Engels, the pre-WW1 Kautsky, Lenin, Luxemburg, Trotsky and Gramsci. But in much contemporary Marxist theory the active role of the working class seems at the least marginal and at the most completely written off. This article traces the perceived role of the working class in Marxist theory, from Marx and Engels, through the Second and Third Internationals, Stalinism and Maoism, through to the present day. It situates this in political developments changes in the nature of the working class over the last 200 years. It concludes by suggesting a number of questions about Marxism and the contemporary working class that anyone claiming to be a Marxist today needs to answer.

The chapter analyses female readers’ letter from the immediate post-World War I period in the ‘Labour Women’ newspaper for members of the then up and coming Labour Party. What was the discursive function of this particular women’s labour movement newspaper when addressing gendered employment issues? How does this social movement communication contribute towards the concept and development of gendered working class cultural citizenship? Research demonstrates a range of concerns during the aftermaths of war, when many women showed great concern for what one letter referred to as the ‘tyranny of poverty’ and the day to day travails of domestic life, in an age where working class female lifestyles could not benefit from labour saving devices. This was a time when wage and relationship equality were nowhere near part of everyday reality for most readers. The chapter reflects not only on the problems for gender newspaper historians of reflection on past reader participation, influenced by present day perspectives, but also on the need to celebrate the hope and idealism of many female ‘reader—pioneers’.

African-Brazilian Culture and Regional Identity in Bahia, Brazil