Abstract

Agroecological farming has long been described as more fulfilling than conventional agriculture, in terms of farmers’ labour and sense of autonomy. These assumptions must be reconsidered with adequate theoretical perspectives and with the empirical experience of recent studies. This paper introduces the concept of channels of labour control in agriculture based on four initiatives in Senegalese agroecological horticulture. We build on Bourdieu’s theory of social fields to elaborate a framework that articulates multiple channels of labour control with the type of capital or surplus values structuring power relations during labour processes. Although each of the four agroecological initiatives place a clear emphasis on improving farmers’ well-being, various top-down channels of labour control exist, maintaining most farmworkers as technical demonstrators rather than agents of transformation. These constraints stem from dependence on foreign funding, enforcement of uncoordinated organic standards, and farmers’ incorporation of cultural values through interplays of knowledge and symbolic power with initiative promotors. Pressure on agricultural workers is exacerbated by the context of the neo-liberalisation of Senegalese agriculture and increasingly difficult climatic conditions. A more holistic approach of agroecological initiatives is needed, including the institutionalisation of protected markets for their products, farmers’ inclusion in agroecosystem governance and inclusiveness in the co-production of agroecological knowledge, taking cultural patterns of local communities into account. Recent attempts to scale-up and politicise agroecology through farmers’ organisations, advocacy NGOs, and municipalities may offer new perspectives for a just agroecological transition in sub-Saharan Africa.

Highlights

  • Land 2020, 9, 205 of thought, Timmerman and Felix [9] claim that work in agroecology is more meaningful compared to conventional farming and can lead to more “contributive justice”, as it compensates for the heavy workload by providing other resources and elements of well-being such as freedom, personal initiative, increased dexterity, social and peer recognition, inter-influence among farmers, and development of farmers’ skills, knowledge, and capabilities

  • In particular the NGO-supported ones and the community-supported agriculture (CSA), involve top-down transfer of knowledge, technology, and decisions, and are still at the pilot and experimental stage, with much financial and technical dependence on external organisations. This does not mean that labour conditions are more or less painful than in conventional farming, but that power relations in agroecological initiatives are structured around different types of values and channels and lead to different mechanisms of labour control than conventional agriculture [28,56]

  • We hope that in the coming years, programmes aiming at promoting and implementing agroecology in sub-Saharan Africa will continue to grow to address the negative consequences of climate change and respond to the challenges of food-system sustainability

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Summary

Introduction

Land 2020, 9, 205 of thought, Timmerman and Felix [9] claim that work in agroecology is more meaningful compared to conventional farming and can lead to more “contributive justice”, as it compensates for the heavy workload by providing other resources and elements of well-being such as freedom (autonomy of the farm), personal initiative, increased dexterity, social and peer recognition, inter-influence among farmers, and development of farmers’ skills, knowledge, and capabilities. Despite these claims, little empirical research has been dedicated to the consequences of farmers’

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