Abstract

Oliver Lyttelton, the British Colonial Secretary, has announced his government's support of plans to federate the three British central African territories (Closer Association in Central Africa Cmd. 8411, HMSO Nov 21, 1951). The Conservatives, when they were in opposition, endorsed Labour's moves to bring Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland into some form of closer association. Last March, officials from the three territories, from the Commonwealth Relations Office and from the Colonial Office, along with expert advisers, met in London to draft some proposals for closer association. They came out in favour of federation; the scheme was made public in the White Paper of June: Central African Territories: Report of Conference on Closer Association (Cmd. 8233). Though none of the four governments have been bound by these proposals, most discussion is taking place around their merits and faults; in July, another conference, which may be decisive, will be held in London. The case for closer association is simple, and to some, quite compelling. It is the threat of Dr. Malan's Afrikanerdom. Since the war Southern Rhodesia's white population has doubled ; many of the immigrants are Afrikaners from the Union of South Africa. They have already formed their own exclusive political party: the Democratic Party. And it is estimated that in Northern Rhodesia, if the present rate of immigration continues, the English-speaking whites will be outnumbered by Afrikaners in about three years. Thus it is argued that if the three territories can be combined under a government that has control over immigration, they will be able to resist the Afrikaner drive northward. Given the Afrikaner population already within the borders of the territories, this seems unlikely. But if no closer association is arranged, Southern Rhodesia, despite its almost-Dominion-status, may drift into being a satellite of the Union, if not actually joining it. The economic case for closer association is slight, though the officials try, in the White Paper, to lay more emphasis on this than on the political motive, only rather vaguely hinted at. They argue that the economies of the territories are complementary but the only important examples of this alleged complementarity are Northern Rhodesian copper, Southern Rhodesian coal; and Northern Rhodesian cotton, Southern Rhodesian textile industry. Though secondary industry has increased quickly since the war, all three territories depend on world

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