Catholics and Communists in Twentieth-Century Italy: Between Conflict and Dialogue

Abstract

Daniela Saresella, professor of contemporary history at the University of Milan, published this work in 2020. The author provides a rich review of the literature on the historical evolution of collaboration and conflicts between Catholics and the Italian left in the twentieth century. Moreover, while many scholars have studied twentieth-century Italian history, most have written in Italian, whereas this study is in English.The author argues that, from the late nineteenth century, voices in the Italian Catholic world sought a dialogue with the leftist world. The case of Italy is significant because of the crucial influence of religion on Italian culture and politics.Focusing on the relationship between Catholics and communists in Italy, the author analyzes the role of religion in Italian politics, particularly critical moments in relations between the Catholic world and the Italian left in the twentieth century. She covers the Catholic communist movement in Rome (1937–45) and the collaboration between the Christian Democracy (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI) until 1947. She also explains the dialogue between various key figures from both sides during the Cold War. Saresella touches briefly on the legacy of these interactions for Italy in the twenty-first century, although this legacy part and its influence on contemporary Italian politics could have been explained more extensively. Nevertheless, the book makes an insightful contribution to the literature on Italian history and twentieth-century Italian politics.The Catholic-communist experience (1937–45) in Italy developed within an intellectual environment as Catholic communists tried to discover new cultural horizons. The author emphasizes that Marxists and Christians were able to unite on the basis of shared interests in human dignity and social justice. She argues that Italy's strong Catholic presence and social tradition and its deeply rooted communist intellectual circles provided a suitable atmosphere for exchanging theoretical views.Some Catholic figures believed that they had to engage with the left because both cultures focused on solving the problems of the poor. They thought that the Church should return to the principles of early Christianity by abandoning its hierarchical character. During the 1970s, the secretary of the PCI engaged in dialogue with moderate Catholic groups, while moderate Catholics favored political collaboration with the left, given their common fascist threat.In the post–Cold War era, the DC and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), having governed for decades, were overwhelmed by corruption investigations. Meanwhile, the long-standing relationship between Catholics and Marxists ended. During the 1990s, despite ongoing secularization, the Church reconfirmed itself as a reference point for Italian society. A growing uniformity reduced pluralism in both Catholic institutions and the press while the Vatican aimed to “re-Catholicize” modern society.Nevertheless, the Vatican took a position different from that of Berlusconi's government by criticizing the U.S. intervention in Iraq in 2003. The pope's objective was to avoid the so-called “clash of civilizations,” protect Christian minorities living in Islamic regions, and bring political debate back to international forums.Following the 2001 elections, Berlusconi became head of a coalition government while the center left's defeat made it necessary to find a new leader. Romano Prodi was chosen due to his recognition as president of the European Commission. He was one of the founders of the Democratic Party (PD), a new political group bringing together members of the left and progressive Catholics.After John Paul II died in 2005, his successor as pope, Ratzinger, continually complained about the modern world and its culture while focusing on moral issues rather than social problems. After he resigned, Jorge Mario Bergoglio from Argentina was named pope on March 13, 2013. In contrast to his predecessors, Bergoglio had experienced life in Argentina's favelas as the son of Italian immigrants. For his first domestic trip outside Rome, he chose Lampedusa, one of the main arrival points for many North African immigrants. He has become known as the pope of the left.The book's first chapter provides historical background on relations between Christianity and socialism in Italy. The break between conservative and democratic Catholicism coincided with the French Revolution as democratic Catholics concentrated on rediscovering the experiences of the first Christian communities.It was feared that Marxism would erode Christian sentiments in Western culture. Engels, who had a religious education, dealt with the question of religion differently from Marx. He showed interest in the original Christian Church and emphasized the common ground shared by early Christian experience and modern workers' movements. Marx, however, mainly considered religion as a tool of the ruling class for controlling the lower social classes.When Italy was constituted as a national state in 1861, it incorporated the Vatican state. Compared to other European countries, Italy's slow economic development meant that contact between the Catholic and socialist worlds began relatively late. From the end of nineteenth century, Italian Catholics had to deal with socialism, which led to their collaboration in certain periods.The turning point occurred at the end of the nineteenth century. In 1898, when the population of Milan strongly supported demonstrations protesting food shortages, part of the Catholic world started to realize the influence of the rise of socialism in Italy.The relationship between Catholics and socialists emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century with the start of industrialization. While Italy is a Catholic country, it has a deeply rooted Socialist Party as well. The Italian left has always shown an interest in the Catholic world. Since the foundation of the PSI in 1892, important party members have taken an open attitude toward the Catholic world, primarily because Vatican City state lies within Italy's national territory but also because of the strong religious tradition of Italians. The PSI was rooted in the countryside, and the rural people were strongly influenced by Catholicism. Economic and social changes in Italy encouraged some Catholics to start a dialogue with the socialist world. They thought that the programs of democratic Catholics and socialists had many things in common, especially their intention of improving the conditions of the lower social classes. According to the author, the contradictions of capitalism opened up the possibility of an alliance of Catholics and socialists.The second chapter focuses on Catholic anti-Fascists and their relations with the left. The Italian People's Party (PPI) was determined to differentiate itself from both socialists and liberals by claiming that its political project was based on Christian principles. This heterogeneous party split on October 31, 1922, over whether or not to support Mussolini. Despite opposition by the majority of the party, many members decided to back the fascist regime.During the Mussolini era, antifascism found roots in even the most official areas of the Catholic world. However, during this time, contacts between Catholics and the left were marginalized. The PCI was the most organized force in the fight against fascism.Antonio Gramsci emerged as a left-wing intellectual who engaged in dialogue with the Catholic world. He began as a member of the Socialist Party before cofounding the Communist Party in 1921. He was the first Italian thinker, after the Marxist philosopher Antonio Labriola, to deal with the religious question, influenced by his reading of Engels. In his Prison Notebooks he argued that it was crucial to understand the history of the Church when considering why fascism had defeated democratic forces in Italy. He argued that the vision of the Catholic world had to be taken into account for Italy's “intellectual and moral reform.”The third chapter focuses on the Catholic communist movement during the fascist regime (1937–45), including a new openness to center-left governments. The chapter discusses relations between the Holy See and the fascist regime as well as relations and collaboration between the PPI and the left to fight against fascism. The Movement of Communist Catholics' manifesto announced the necessity for a new social order based on control over the means of production, the abolition of class, and the foundation of a society that included neither exploiters nor exploited. The 1950s were characterized by an atmosphere of anticommunism that was emphasized in the Catholic world, imposed by the Holy Office decree of July 1, 1949.In the fourth chapter, the author argues that room for dialogue remained in some Italian Catholic circles during the 1960s. The Second Vatican Council led to numerous demands for change. Many Catholics decided to be more open to the realities of the contemporary world, to confront the problems of poverty and underdevelopment. Meanwhile, a new openness in the Marxist world also led to discussions between Marxists and Christians, usually through journals. However, this opening up to the left by many Catholics provoked a strong reaction within the Church under Paul VI.The fifth chapter focuses on the 1970s. In 1970, the Italian parliament voted on the law on divorce, an issue that had been part of Italy's history since unification. The new law, which reflected a new climate in Italian society influenced by the student movement, passed due to a majority of secular and left-wing parties. The law on abortion, which was harshly condemned by the Vatican, was introduced in 1978. A referendum was held in 1981 after calls to limit the right to abortion. However, 68 percent of the votes were against this limitation.The sixth chapter focuses on the late 1970s and 1980s. Collaboration between Catholics and the left had halted, partly because of Pope John Paul II, chosen in 1978. During the 1980s, society became increasingly more secularized. For example, the obligation for schools to teach Catholicism was abolished, as was direct economic support of Catholic priests, who had been paid completely at the state's expense since 1929. The way that different popes engaged and cooperated with the left also affected these developments. In particular, John Paul II harshly criticized Marxist ideas. Instead, he favored a new Catholicism, reintroducing the values of Catholic traditions and curbing secularization.Italy's 1992 parliamentary elections were an important turning point as voters chose their own party without considering the communist “other” for the first time in Republican history. Meanwhile, the Milan Public Prosecutor's Office began the Clean Hands anticorruption investigation the same year. The whole Italian political system found itself under investigation. The PSI and the DC, which had been dominant political actors in Italy for decades, were the parties most involved. Silvio Berlusconi, a construction entrepreneur and TV magnate, had gained great economic and media power. He launched the Forza Italia movement in 1993 before entering politics himself in 1994.Despite ongoing secularization, the Church reconfirmed its function as a reference point for Italian society during the 1990s. Growing uniformity reduced space for pluralism in both the media and Catholic institutions.In the conclusion, Saresella emphasizes that Italian Catholicism is multifaceted, including various ideas relating to social issues. It has therefore engaged in dialogue, first with the Socialist Party, then the Communist Party after 1921, then during the 1970s the radical left, which acknowledged religion's crucial role in Italian society. In the twenty-first century, however, no political parties have officially claimed inspiration either from religious principles or from Marxist ideology.The conclusion is unfortunately somewhat relatively short for such a detailed book. In particular, it fails to discuss even briefly how this legacy of engagement and cooperation between the leftist and Catholic worlds may influence the twenty-first century. Further research topics and possible new questions are not suggested either. Throughout the book, although the rich literature review gives us detailed information about this period of Italian political history, presents multiple Catholic and communist voices from Italy, and analyzes in depth how they communicate and interact, the author's own voice, comments, and analysis are rarely heard.Overall, this book shows us in detail the heterogeneity within the Catholic world and the leftist politics in Italy. Some of these multiple voices are more open to dialogue and collaboration with each other. During the twentieth century, despite tensions, various groups and figures from the Catholic world and the political left collaborated with each other, especially for common goals such as improving the socioeconomic conditions of the lower classes of society. The wide socioeconomic gaps within Italian society and particularly the gap between the north and the south are still crucial. With the effect of rising problems after the economic and migration crises, there has been a rise of populism and the radical right in Italian politics, which manifested itself especially with the rising influence of Lega in recent years.The debates within the Catholic world also include how to define European identity. While some are in favor of a more plural and inclusive Europe, others are more exclusive and less open to collaborate with different actors. These ongoing debates within the Catholic world about which perspective will dominate will also influence the future of European identity, while reactions from left- and right-wing politics may influence this process as well. As a result, according to this reviewer, the book provides a crucial contribution to the literature that can help researchers, experts, scholars, and students better understand modern Italian history, politics, and culture and the role of religion in Italy.