Abstract

B. R. Ambedkar, the scholar, activist, and chief architect of the Indian constitution, in his early twentieth century works, referred to the untouchable quarters in India as ghettos. He recognized that untouchability was manifested through combining social separation with spatial segregation. Ambedkar’s theorization of untouchability can be applied along with feminist and Dalit scholars’ theories of the relationship between dynamic spatial experiences and the reworking of caste hierarchies to understand how securing control over productive assets, such as land, has altered social and spatial segregation in rural Bihar. Combined with narratives of the past and present, maps drawn by Bhuiyan Dalit women depicting the physical spaces they occupy in their village (i.e. housing, community center), the locations of sources of water and electricity, and the quality of the resources to which they have access demonstrate that gaining control over land following the Bodhgaya Land Movement (BGLM) of the late 1970s helped end the most overt and readily discernible forms of caste-based discrimination. Nevertheless, resource discrimination and spatial and social segregation continue, albeit more covertly. The logic of untouchability still undergirds social interactions in rural Bihar, preventing Dalits from fully realizing their rights as guaranteed by law.

Highlights

  • IntroductionEach level is defined according to relative purity or impurity, with Dalits occupying the bottom position

  • Spatial and social segregation is intrinsic to the caste system and the continued practice of untouchability in India

  • Maps drawn by Bhuiyan Dalit women and their accompanying narratives reveal that Dalit assertions of their rights to resources, in conjunction with state-led land reform and welfare initiatives, have altered the spatial arrangements of village life and Dalit experiences of socio-economic discrimination

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Summary

Introduction

Each level is defined according to relative purity or impurity, with Dalits occupying the bottom position. According to this ancient Hindu logic of caste, Dalits were born into a state of impurity from which they could not escape, such that their touch (or even their shadow) was considered a source of pollution to others in the caste hierarchy. The method of open violence pales away before it, for it has the most far reaching and deadening effects. It is more dangerous because it passes as a lawful method consistent with the theory of freedom of contract. It is more dangerous because it passes as a lawful method consistent with the theory of freedom of contract. (CháirezGarza, 2014, p. 42)

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