Abstract
This article proposes a new solution to an old problem in the syntax of French, namely the contrast in grammaticality observed with the two clitics en (genitive and quantitative) when used with raised subjects. I propose that the contrast observed in these contexts should be explained by Case theory, and show that a Case-theoretic approach is superior to an ECP/Binding approach in accounting for the distribution of en in a variety of contexts, including similar contexts in Italian and Catalan. I argue that Case is a feature of the nominal head (N) of a DP, that Case may be checked in configurations other than [Spec, head], and that there is no need for features such as Nominative or Accusative, [+/− Case] being sufficient. The proposal has consequences for Case theory and for checking theory in general. More generally the article is a contribution to the understanding of phenomena that used to be understood in terms of the Empty Category Principle (ECP). It exemplifies how properties of the internal structure of moved elements can explain their distribution.
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