Abstract
In this paper, we analyse case marking in Russian eventive nominalisations as recently discussed in an article by Pereltsvaig et al. published in this journal in 2018 with regards to two competing theories of case: the Inherent Case Theory and the Dependent Case Theory. We contest the view that Russian eventive nominalisations display ergative alignment and argue that Russian is a nominative-accusative language across the board. We propose an alternative analysis of Russian eventive nominalisations and show that, contrary to the claims made by Pereltsvaig et al. they are in principle incapable of disproving the Dependent Case Theory. The resulting analysis is trivially compatible with the Dependent Case Theory.
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