Care, Crisis and Activism: The Politics of Everyday Life by Eleanor Jupp

1. Children and Young People's Politics in Everyday Life Kirsi Pauliina Kallio and Jouni Hakli 2. Friendship and environmental politics in childhood Ann E. Bartos 3. Intergenerational Mapping and the Cultural Politics of Memory Katharyne Mitchell and Sarah Elwood 4. 'All the Beautiful Things': Trauma, Aesthetics and the Politics of Palestinian Childhood David Jones Marshall 5. Performing the Political through Public Space: Teenage Girls' Everyday Use of a City Park Sofia Cele 6. Contested Engagements: Youth and the Politics of Citizenship Lynn A. Staeheli, Kafui Attoh and Don Mitchell 7. Young People's Everyday Politics in Post-conflict Sri Lanka Fazeeha Azmi, Cathrine Brun and Ragnhild Lund 8. Young People, Children, Politics and Space: A Decade of Youthful Political Geography Scholarship 2003-13 Tracey Skelton 9. The Child-Body-Politic: Afterword on 'Children and Young People's Politics in Everyday Life' Chris Philo and Fiona Smith

Reviewed by: Bad Youth: Juvenile Delinquency and the Politics of Everyday Life in Modern Japan Tom Gill (bio) Bad Youth: Juvenile Delinquency and the Politics of Everyday Life in Modern Japan. By David R. Ambaras. University of California Press, Berkeley, 2005. xii, 297 pages. $49.95. As a nonhistorian working on contemporary Japanese social problems, I welcome this work on state responses to wayward youth in the period from 1895 to 1945 particularly for what it tells us about the roots of the contemporary Japanese state’s treatment of juvenile delinquency. Author David Ambaras stresses underlying continuity from era to era, and the uneven mixture of reform and punishment, paternalistic tolerance and moral panic [End Page 410] he describes will have a familiar ring to readers living in Japan today. Bad Youth is informed by a strong awareness of class issues, and the state’s attempt to spread values perceived as “middle class”—thrift, diligence, sexual continence, etc.—is shown throughout to interweave with more patriotic/nationalistic concerns. Often the story seems to be one of the middle class telling the working class how to behave. Sometimes, too, the “lower classes” were viewed in much the same way as the “lesser races” of the Japanese empire: class and colonial consciousness are seen as complementary modes of thought here. The book opens with a crisp introduction and a background chapter in which the Tokugawa state is seen struggling to control the Tenmei Riots of 1787—allegedly led, partly at least, by children and youths—and responding in 1791 with Japan’s first ever edict directed specifically at youth. The tradition of youthful street gangs is shown to have strong Tokugawa-era roots, and social control systems such as the goningumi neighborhood associations are characterized as targeting unruly youth. Chapter 2 covers the later Meiji era. It has some vivid accounts of working-class Tokyo street-children and their bosses, and describes the attempts of social reformers to establish reformatories and special elementary schools for the poor that mingled Christian compassion with a more Spartan view of moral correction. Meanwhile, the Meiji reformers, although keen to import Western learning, also saw a risk that it could lead to “too many Japanese with Western hearts” (p. 67). Hence Ambaras devotes his third chapter to the Meiji state’s response to “degenerate students.” Whether the students were effete dandies (nanpa) affecting European styles (haikara), or tough guys (kōha) with rough, Tokugawa-style dress (bankara), they excited curiosity and mistrust, as did the new wave of female students who were inevitably suspected of loose sexual morality. The nervous authorities attempted to ban students from political activity, though students were far less likely to end up in institutions than the working-class youths in the previous chapter. Chapter 4 covers the Taisho era, an optimistic period in which many middle-class reformers thought they could transform society by intervening in the upbringing of youth. Ambaras devotes particular attention to the Juvenile Law (Shōnen Hō) of 1918 and the juvenile courts set up under it. The approach was paternalistic, stressing protection rather than punishment. A Justice Ministry official’s assertion that the courts’ activities would be a form of social work, and that hearings would be held in family-like, intimate settings (pp. 105–6), reminds one of the unthreatening environment of today’s family courts. Two-thirds of the cases referred to the Tokyo Juvenile Court were not even viewed as serious enough to open (p. 106). Chapter 5 follows the blossoming of Taisho-era “modern boys” and “modern girls,” and increasing government unrest about the suspected [End Page 411] spread of modern, immoral, foreign ways. But as with the Meiji-era students, moral outrage did not generally translate into repressive action, at least until 1938, when Japan was already at war and the Tokyo police started rounding up students in cafes, billiard halls, department stores, etc. (p. 162). The state is seen as increasingly repressive, though it is a pity Ambaras does not tell us what kind of punishment was inflicted on students after they had been rounded up. One suspects they were better treated than the working-class teenagers pressed into working...

The phrase ‘body-politic’ is often deployed to mean all of the people comprising a given ‘political’ unit, perhaps a country, nation or state, and sometimes conceived as the multitudes ruled over b...

This article analyzes the possibilities and obstacles in pedagogical practices in ECEC (Early Childhood Education and Care) in relation to developing relevant opportunities for participation for all children, by supporting their own engagements in order to expand their action possibilities. Over the last decades, the political agendas in the Nordic as well as other OECD countries have been led by an increasing focus on learning goals and standardized professional procedures, at the expense of a more situated and flexible pedagogy following children’s own engagements. When concerns arise about children’s well-being, development, and/or learning, this tendency seems to intensify, as descriptions of concerns are often based on assessments of children’s individual (dis-)abilities, while investigations of children’s own engagements and reasons for actions are seldom conducted. From a theoretical standpoint in critical psychology and social practice theory, we discuss collaborative processes among children and adults in relation to institutional conditions as inherently political, in the sense that the distribution of different access to social resources and opportunities for participation for different children is negotiated through such daily exchanges and therefore also involves questions about democracy. We explore the everyday life practices of children and professionals, analyzing how, through everyday practice, they constantly work on maintaining, reproducing, and transgressing the standardized demands. To understand such processes, we suggest a conceptual focus on the politics of everyday life and situated pedagogy.

In the twenty years since the post-Cold War wave of democratisation spread across Africa, experiments in participatory governance have revealed fundamental contradictions between their normative bases and their practical application on the ground. Responding to calls for a greater focus on ‘the politics of everyday life’ and drawing on the experiences and actions, over a six-year period, of the principal civic network involved initially in Malawi's PRS (Poverty Reduction Strategy) process, this article illustrates how contemporary Malawian politics at local level comprises a complex mix of the old and the new. Charting the evolving agency and activities of network members at district level, the article demonstrates how, in the ongoing struggles for resources for everyday life, normative discourses of participation and representation are combined with more traditional cultures and practices in shaping, moulding and, ultimately, it is proposed, invigorating contemporary political agency in Malawi, bringing politics out of the state and into the public domain in line with the communitarian traditions of citizenship.

Time and again we have been told that poststructuralism is in crisis. Poststructuralism, we hear, is ontologically exhausted, epistemologically and normatively confused, and politically irrelevant to the contemporary economic and institutional conditions that have already domesticated, assimilated and recuperated it. While there is clearly merit and provocation in such critiques, for us, they underestimate the extent to which poststructuralist concepts can be transformed and made relevant to concerns we may have in our current political conjuncture. In order to counter those who would simply dismiss and depoliticise poststructuralist thought as crisis-ridden or politically outmoded, we will suggest that poststructuralism is a drama that we can productively participate in, here and now. Furthermore, we think this poststructuralist drama should be played out in the rough and tumble of everyday political life. There is what we will call a ‘politics of everyday life’ to be found in the poststructuralist archive, and the poststructuralist archive can be recast, revitalised and even transformed when placed into the light and life of the everyday.

Yi Tae-jun’s Long Novels and the ‘Politics of Everyday Life’ as a Critique for the Total Mobilization under Japanese Rule

"Networked publics and digital contention: the politics of everyday life in Tunisia." Information, Communication & Society, 19(12), pp. 1696–1697

Climbing in the U.S. resembles other ‘alternative’ and ‘lifestyle’ sports in that it has long been an exclusionary leisure pursuit. Whiteness, a history of land dispossession, and settler colonialism have reinforced exclusive boundaries to the sport through a ‘hierarchy of participation’. Formal moves from climbing advocacy organisations, gyms, and brands have increased diversity and justice efforts in climbing through funding, pledges, and social media messaging. However, these initiatives receive varied support from within climbing communities. This paper employs a social-psychological approach to examine which factors likely help shape and maintain variation in U.S. climbers’ concern for matters related to inclusion and justice in climbing. We draw data from a national survey conducted in collaboration with the national advocacy organisation Access Fund. We then apply multiple regression to examine how various climbing and demographic attributes are associated with inclusion and justice concerns by testing three hypotheses: experienced privilege and/or marginalisation, partisan political affiliation, and issue prominence. Our findings suggest that variation in climbers’ inclusion and justice attitudes appears driven more by respondents’ affiliation with one or more marginalised identities, political leanings, and other sociodemographic characteristics that we suggest are representative of the ‘politics of everyday life’.

This article examines the careers of a number of left thinkers who broke with the Communist Party of Great Britain in the late 1930s, committing themselves instead to a ‘politics of everyday life’ based on social investigation. Central to this moment was the social research organisation Mass-Observation, the sociologists of which argued that democracy should be built around the vibrancy and irreverence they identified in ordinary culture. This ambition gained its fullest application during the 1940s, as a number of former M-O researchers became influential in the social reconstruction effort, in Labour Party policy circles and, later, in post-war academic sociology. By tracing the sociological arguments of unaligned left intellectuals from the 1930s to the 1950s, this article emphasises the rich plurality of influences at play within British progressive thought in the mid-twentieth century—influences which spanned the worlds of far-left activism, literature, art, the social sciences, town planning and parliamentary politics. It also helps us to reassess the genesis of the first ‘New Left’ in 1956. This is often hailed as the moment when British socialists first started to appreciate ordinary culture, freed from political dogmatism. In fact, left intellectuals had been engaging with the politics of everyday life for at least two decades previously. Indeed, the nostalgic accent which some New Left writers placed on the traditional working-class group was but one facet of a more heterogeneous political tradition—one concerned to think beyond ‘class’ altogether, and to examine how culture operated at the level of the individual.

Cultural historians have begun to pay serious attention to the history of emotions — defining sentiments and passions, finding ways to demonstrate them and suggesting how they may have influenced more tangible aspects of the past.1 Grand theories have been invoked: Weberian secularization and individualism, Habermas’s concept of the public sphere and Norbert Elias’s ‘civilizing process’ — all ideas about feeling as much as being.2 Historians of more conventional subjects such as the Protestant Reformation, the defence of custom, plebeian rebellions, and crime and punishment, have directly or indirectly touched on emotion.3 The emotional dimension of witchcraft, however, remains relatively unexplored.4 This is surprising not just because so many scholars have studied witches, but because the rise in prosecutions after 1560 is hard to explain unless one takes rage and fear into account. These emotions animated almost all trials, and at certain times and places welled up and spilled over into panic.5 The vocalization of suspicions as accusations, and the deployment of countermeasures, were rooted in social interaction and decision-making in parishes — the politics of everyday life.6 But fear warped sense and reason, illustrating Coleridge’s maxim that ‘in Politics, what begins in Fear usually ends in Folly’.7

Book Review: Networked Publics and Digital Contention: The Politics of Everyday Life in Tunisia ZayaniMohamedNetworked Publics and Digital Contention: The Politics of Everyday Life in Tunisia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. 294 pp. £64.00. ISBN: 9780190239763 (hbk).

Elizabeth Johns. American Genre Painting: The Politics of Everyday Life. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1991. Pp. xvi, 250; 80 plates. $40.00 Get access Johns Elizabeth. American Genre Painting: The Politics of Everyday Life. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1991. Pp. xvi, 250; 80 plates. $40.00. David Bjelajac David Bjelajac George Washington University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 98, Issue 1, February 1993, Pages 241–242, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/98.1.241-a Published: 01 February 1993

(2001). Huziki Hayato, the storyteller: Comedy, practice and the politics of everyday life in Okinawa. Postcolonial Studies: Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 189-209.

This article speaks to three distinct—but related—sites of encounter with the political: The first site concerns the field research with feminist academics that has spanned to more than four years, which I conducted in different countries. It is still in the making. The second site relates to contemporary political theory, and the lack of attention to theorizing politics in crisis times and/or regime transitions, displayed either by the rush to model the existing government here-and-now or by sheer silence, putting at risk the capacity to "remember and communicate the political experience" (Wiessberg, 1997, p. 21). The third site is about bringing in micro- politics of everyday life into political theory. In this manuscript, I try to point at a means of doing so—through everyday conversation. I consider these sites as signifying the loss of meaning in the political (both in terms of political practices and reading these practices) in times of crisis, accompanying the increase in the frequency and degree of violence in institutional politics, and in everyday social interactions.2 Here, I try to explore the possibilities for a politically engaged theorizing that prioritizes (historical) meaning over (speedy and assembly-line) model- making in explaining the political here-and-now. In so doing, I refer to bringing in everyday politics as storied in the accounts of citizens-as-actors. I argue that political theory offers the medium for turning the stories of political actors into narrations for shedding light on the structure that ties seemingly incidental, and thus divided moments in transition. My argument is that in contemporary versions of crisis—the crisis of neoliberal capitalism—everyday life offers one a space to connect her/his concerns with the politics of theorizing and the theoretical-as-embedded in the political experience.