Capturing the Kiwi Spirit: An exploration into the link between national identity, land and spirituality from Māori and Pākehā perspectives

Democracy and Nation Formation: National Identity Change and Dual Identity in Taiwan, 1991-2011 Shiau-Chi Shen As has been the case in many newly democratized countries, the transition to democracy in Taiwan entailed nationalist competition and the aggravation of ethnic conflict. Much research has shown that national identities among the general populace have experienced radical change. The Chinese national identity no longer occupies a dominant position, while the Taiwanese national identity is rapidly rising. The popular view is that democratization provides a political space for this nascent Taiwanese identity to challenge, and eventually replace, orthodox Chinese identity. This view, however, overlooks the very important phenomenon that, especially in the stage following the democratic transition, most people held dual national identity, i.e. both Taiwanese and Chinese national identities. This phenomenon presents a puzzle to the study of national identity in Taiwan, and in general as well. Why, in the fierce confrontation between two national identities in national politics, would most people prefer to see Taiwanese and Chinese national identities as compatible and show their allegiance to both? This dissertation challenges the assumption in previous research that the nature of national identity is exclusive—that it represents an either-or choice or attitude. This assumption has led to the incorrect view that the decline of Chinese national identity and the rise of Taiwanese national identity are two sides of the same coin. Contrary to this conventional view, this study shows that the trajectory of the two identities are actually different processes which have occurred during different historical stages and in different international environments, and that they are the results of different political forces. Taiwanese national identity started to rise in the early 1990’s. Chinese national identity, however, began to decline only after 2000. The past two decades thus witnessed a great proportion of people with dual identity. This study focuses on the factors of state and politics, rather than history and ethnicity, to explain the rise of Taiwanese national identity, and also the phenomenon of dual identity. It is contended that the ethnic base of Taiwanese national identity, with its particular history and language, which has been much emphasized by many political and cultural elites, as well as scholars, constitutes only one route of nation formation. The other more important route is through political participation in the democratic regime. While democratic institutions and practices redefine the de jure territory of the state (the Republic of China), democratic citizenship provides a new base for collective self-understanding. Through participation in democratic political processes, identification with the Taiwan-wide political community is cultivated among the populace. The Taiwanese national identity engendered through this route does not challenge the ethnicity upon which the Chinese national identity is based. It thus is able to co-exist with Chinese national identity. The decline of Chinese national identity is hence not the result of the rise of Taiwanese identity, but of the rise of China. It is argued that the dominance of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the international community along with its staunch One China Principle has removed the important component of the Republic of China (ROC) from the Chinese national identity in Taiwan. Chinese unification now means the elimination of the ROC and to be ruled by the PRC. People who have identified with the ROC no longer opt for a unified great China and hence forgo their Chinese national identity. Based on the study of the phenomenon of dual identity in Taiwan, this dissertation proposes two important theoretical findings. First, contrary to the popular view among the students of nationalism and nationalist politics, it argues that democratization mitigates rather than exacerbates identity politics. Secondly, dual identity is difficult to sustain if the larger nation pursues a state that denies political autonomy to the small nation.

When two cultures meet within one national identity, their interaction invites accommodations, contestations and transformations of consciousness. Bhabha (1990) calls this dynamic and evolving interaction 'the third space'. This thesis explores the role of theatre as an agent of understanding that emergent space. I argue that theatre, in a range of forms, not only offers a distinctive tool for analysis but also is a means of strategically changing the society we live in. The study is based on New Zealand experience and focuses on interaction between Maori and Pakeha cultures, that is on the interaction between the indigenous culture and that of the colonial and immigrant settlers. As such it differs from discourses that stress multiculturalism or universal humanism. Three distinct sightings are taken on the role of theatre in this process. The first is an examination of a significant educational arts project, Te Mauri Pakeaka, that took place in the 70s and 80s. The second is a mapping of the history of such theatre as addresses Maori and Pakeha relations. The third is a report of a workshop I conducted with teacher trainees in Panguru, a remote Maori community. Te Mauri Pakeaka involved schools, educational administrators, community, artists and elders in an exploration of Maori culture and of bicultural possibilities, using art making as a catalyst. The history of New Zealand bicultural theatre begins with the epic extravaganzas of the late nineteenth century and explores successive changes in perspective and in participation through the twentieth century. Current issues are examined through interviews with a group of significant contemporary artists. The workshop in Panguru was designed to introduce teachers in training to drama. A significant proportion of its context involved study of the Treaty of Waitangi through drama. Considerations of ritual, social drama and of performative enactment in the public arena emerged as important to all three investigations. The conceptual framework that underpins this study is drawn from scholarship in two discrete fields that I seek to bring together. The first deals with biculturalism in New Zealand, particularly with the Treaty of Waitangi, Maori sovereignty and questions of Maori and Pakeha identity. The second deals with theatre and drama, particularly with performance theory, drama in education, intercultural theatre and postcolonial theory. The study draws on oral and written sources of scholarship and is informed by both Maori and Western approaches to knowledge. It utilises a range of qualitative research methods, including historical reconstruction, unstructured interviews, interpretation of documents, and documentation of reflective practice. The findings that emerge in the study fall into two broad categories: those that relate to an understanding of the emergent space, and those that relate to reconceptualisations of theatre as a result of dual cultural perspectives. These findings have a number of implications. Firstly, they inform our understandings of ownership, appropriation and borrowing, of social and intercultural role, and of value systems, spirituality and pragmatic expediency. Secondly, they point towards new developments in educational policy and practice. Thirdly, they suggest new formulations of aesthetic and semiotic frameworks. Academic research in these fields is limited. What writing there is in New Zealand comes predominantly from Maori, whose challenge to colonialism and to assimilationism has initiated a cross-cultural dialogue. This study is premised on the importance of Pakeha actively entering into that dialogue and offers one such Pakeha voice. Although the study is by design specific to the New Zealand location and does not claim a general applicability to other national contexts, many of the insights that emerge are transferable. Other countries also struggle with issues of cultural identity and with the recognition of indigenous peoples. Australia, for instance, is currently exploring the implications of Aboriginal Reconciliation. Analysis of how one country deals with such issues allows more informed choices for others.

Introduction Ruth Roach Pierson Chapter One Maori Agriculturalists and Aboriginal Hunter-Gatherers: Women and Colonial Displacement in Nineteenth-Century Aotearoa/New Zealand and Southeastern Australia Patricia Grimshaw Chapter Two Enfranchising Women of Color: Suffragists as Agents of Imperialism Rosalyn Terborg-Penn Chapter Three Gendered Colonialism: The Woman Question in Settler Society Dolores E. Janiewski Chapter Four Actions Louder than Words: The Historical Task of Defining Feminist Consciousness in Colonial West Africa Cheryl Johnson-Odim Chapter Five Frontier Feminism and the Marauding White Man: Australia, 1890s to 1940s Marilyn Lake Chapter Six The Porfiriato and the Mexican Revolution: Constructions of Feminism and Nationalism Gabriela Cano Chapter Seven The Politics of Irish Identity and the Interconnections between Feminism, Nationhood and Colonialism Breda Gray and Louise Ryan Chapter Eight Cohabiting and Conflicting Identities: Women and Nationalisms in Twentieth-Century Iran Joanna de Groot Chapter Nine Orthodoxy, Cultural Nationalism and Hindutva Violence: An Overview of the Gender Ideology of the Hindu Right Tanika Sarkar Chapter Ten Surviving Absence: Jewishness and Femininity in Liberation France, 1944-45 Karen Adler Chapter Eleven Men, Women and the Community Borders: German-Nationalist and National Socialist Discourses on Gender, and National Identity in Austria, 1918-1938 Johanna Gehmacher Chapter Twelve Images of Sara Bartman: Sexuality, Race and Gender in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain Yvette Abrahams Chapter Thirteen Sexual and Racial Discrimination: An Historical Inquiry into the Japanese Military's Comfort Women System of Enforced Prostitution Sayoko Yoneda Chapter Fourteen Vacations in the Contact Zone: Race, Gender and the Traveller at Niagara Falls Karen Dubinsky Chapter Fifteen Uprooted Women: Partition of Punjab, 1947 Aparna Basu Chapter Sixteen Politics and the Writing of History Himani Bannerji Gabriela Cano Chapter Seven The Politics of Irish Identity and the Interconnections between Feminism, Nationhood and Colonialism Breda Gray and Louise Ryan Chapter Eight Cohabiting and Conflicting Identities: Women and Nationalisms in Twentieth-Century Iran Joanna de Groot Chapter Nine Orthodoxy, Cultural Nationalism and Hindutva Violence: An Overview of the Gender Ideology of the Hindu Right Tanika Sarkar Chapter Ten Surviving Absence: Jewishness and Femininity in Liberation France, 1944-45 Karen Adler Chapter Eleven Men, Women and the Community Borders: German-Nationalist and National Socialist Discourses on Gender, and National Identity in Austria, 1918-1938 Johanna Gehmacher Chapter Twelve Images of Sara Bartman: Sexuality, Race and Gender in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain Yvette Abrahams Chapter Thirteen Sexual and Racial Discrimination: An Historical Inquiry into the Japanese Military's Comfort Women System of Enforced Prostitution Sayoko Yoneda Chapter Fourteen Vacations in the Contact Zone: Race, Gender and the Traveller at Niagara Falls Karen Dubinsky Chapter Fifteen Uprooted Women: Partition of Punjab, 1947 Aparna Basu Chapter Sixteen Politics and the Writing of History Himani Bannerji

This thesis analyses the impact of legal and media representations of war crime trials on master narratives of the war and identity in Croatia and Serbia. Our research is situated on the interception of scientific fields of transitional justice, media studies and studies on nationalism. We explore the relationship between official narratives of the war, legal narratives of war crime trials and the way that the media conveys both the narratives and reports on these trials. The research addresses issues concerning war crime trials, collective memories and (re)construction of national identity, national narratives and the war in the former Yugoslavia. Taking Brooks and Gewritz’s methodological approach, we used Critical Discourse Analysis to analyse law not as set of rules and policies, but as a source of narratives. Furthermore, law is given a dimension of “cultural discourse through which social narratives are structured and suppressed”. Assuming that the media in contemporary societies have huge influence on shaping knowledge about history and shared historical narratives, this research analyses local media reports on domestic war crimes trials. This research explores how media represent and report about historical narratives established by local courts in Serbia and Croatia. Subsequently, those representations are compared to background, non-legal elements, i.e. historical facts found in judgments rendered at the ICTY. We approached the problematique by analysing trial transcripts and media reports about domestic war crimes trials held in Serbia and Croatia (Ovcara-Vukovar hospital in Serbia and Medak pocket case in Croatia). We argue that transitional justice, instead of triggering truth seeking and truth telling processes that would lead to reconciliation, multiplied mutually exclusive historical narratives that determined national collective identities

To test this hypothesis, the thesis analyses the discourse of two populist radical right parties in Western Europe: The National Front (now known as National Rally) of France, and the Party for Freedom of the Netherlands. This analysis has two parts: The first tests part of my hypothesis: that Europeans’ encounter with Islam in Europe has (1) revealed the non-universal nature of European secularism to Europeans, and (2) demonstrated the secularisation of Christianity into ‘culture.’ The second consists of Critical Discourse This thesis seeks to understand the role of religion in the discourse of Western Europe’s populist radical right parties. Populist radical right parties have made extraordinary electoral gains in a number of Western European nations. Many of these parties call for a return to Christian and/or Judeo-Christian values, and for the Christian and/or Judeo-Christian identity of their respective nations to be respected and preserved. Muslims, in particular, are singled out by the populist radical right as a threat to Western Christian values and identity. Yet these populist radical right parties do not appear to be advocates of a religious doctrine or way of life; rather, they most often frame themselves as defenders of secularism. This is curious: if populist radical right parties in Western Europe are secular, when then has Christian or Judeo-Christian identity become such an important aspect of their discourse? Building on sociologist Rogers Brubaker’s observation that populist radical right parties in Western Europe are not genuinely religious, but rather Christian identitarian in orientation, this thesis contends that populist radical right parties use religion in their discourse in order to exclude Muslims from European society, and to protect their respective secular nationalisms. Therefore the primary question asked in this thesis is: why is religion used as a tool to differentiate ‘the people’ from ‘the other’ in the discourse of the populist radical right in Western Europe? The thesis proposes a hypothesis: Western Europeans’ encounter with Islam in Europe has (1) revealed the non-universal nature of Western European secularism to Europeans, and (2) demonstrated the secularisation of Christianity into Western European ‘culture.’ This recognition that Christianity has been secularised into ‘culture’ has allowed secular Europeans to identify themselves – and their nation and ultimately Western civilisation – as Christian or Judeo-Christian. These effects have precipitated the formation of Christianist secularism, a type of Christian identitarian politics which perceives contemporary European culture to be ‘Christianity secularised.’ A group of populist radical right parties in Western Europe, then, have embraced Christianist secularism, which they use to define their respective national identities in religio-civilisational terms, i.e. as (Judeo-)Christian. In doing so, they are able to exclude Muslims from their society, on the grounds that Islam is an alien religion which – unlike Christianity and possibly Judaism – has not and cannot be secularised into ‘culture'. Analysis of three selected texts produced by the respective leaders of the National Front and Party for Freedom, Marine Le Pen and Geert Wilders, produced during the 2012-2017 period. The Critical Discourse Analysis seeks answers in the selected to the following questions: (1) does the discourse display the key elements of Christianist secularism? (2) How is Islam constructed in the discourse? (3) How is Christian identity used to exclude Muslims from European society?

This is a revisionist study of Syrian nationalism. At the heart of this intellectual enterprise is an examination of the inherent and ingrained masculinist bias. While teasing out this aspect, I enquire about the basis of this prejudice. The masculinist interpretation of nationalism and its dissemination across Syrian society is, I argue, a result of the ideological foundations that took place over half a century (from 1920 to 1970). I seek to explore the status of women through investigating the nexus between the constructions of masculinity and nationalism, grounded in the imaginative anticipation of the nation within its nationalist narrative. The research paradigm underlying this study includes elements from perspectives of historical and comparative approaches, and critique of ideology. By philosophically engaging with the works of three key Baˈathist ideologues, I demonstrate the nature and character of that skewed nationalism. Consequently, this thesis documents the systematic masculinisation of conceptions of nationhood by Syria’s three founding fathers: Sāṭiʿ al-Ḥuṣrī (1879–1968), Michel ʿAflaq (1910–89) and Zakī al-Arsūzī (1899–1968), 1 and how their ideologies impacted later national narratives in the political and cultural contexts. In critically analysing the philosophical origin of Syrian nationalism in the writings of these three Syrian thinkers, the thesis investigates how masculinism is constructed in its narrative, reinforcing boundaries that question national belonging and identity. The thesis uses the phases of Syrian cultural and political nationalism to see how masculinism was further constructed in the early state formation in both the constitutional and legal narratives. It also investigates how the perpetuation of a masculinist ethos, which defines national identity and belonging, was further reflected in the state-consolidation stage through conceptualising nationalist songs as political symbols that designate politics of gender exclusion and inclusion. In so doing, it highlights the role of early Baˈathist theoreticians in perpetuating an ideology based on idealising manhood, hegemony and hierarchy as the basis of national identity. This dominance of masculinised national belonging and membership is intimately linked with the normalisation of militarism that configures men as patriarchal figures and political leaders of both the family and state. More importantly, investigating the process of nation formation in its three stages (theoretical, political and cultural) intersects with the missing representation of women, and this thesis highlights the overlap between this process and the rite of passage to manhood, as the realisation of national consciousness becomes juxtaposed with men’s heroic achievements. Thus, this thesis is about investigating the construction and perpetuation of masculinism in Syrian nationalism.

This paper focuses on examining the efforts made by modern Chinese nationalists to recover China's sovereignty, to struggle for national survival, and to restore Chinese culture. The paper also discusses the issues of national and cultural identity, which has been a controversial debate among intellectuals. In essence, the nationalistic movements for saving China was presented in three approaches: 1. The political nationalist movement focused on anti-imperialism. The nationalists included officials, merchants, and intellectuals aimed at recovering the independence of China's sovereign. 2. In order to make China wealthy and powerful, for competing with the Western Powers, the reformers were devoted to modernizing the educational system by studying western technology, while preserving the traditions of Confucianism at the same time. They emphasized that Confucian ethics are the basis of national identity. They also stressed that all Chinese peoples must be consolidated into one group as the means for expelling imperialistic powers. 3. The revolutionary nationalists engaged in anti-Manchu revolution in order to build a Republic nation-state. The ultimate end of revolution was to recover the freedom and independence of China. The revolutionary Sinologists were devoted to preserving both national heritage and national identity. They emphasized that the common language and ancestor are the basis of national identity. Nonetheless, they also challenged the authority of Confucianism. Finally, the effect of nationalism must be carefully valued. In the case of China, the ideology of nationalism can become the dynamics of unifying national consciousness. In spite of this, ethnicity nationalism also became the main destabilized factor in modern China.

The article analyzes historiographical and literary sources which reveal the history of Greek migration to Ukraine, the main social, religious, ethnic processes which influenced the change of geographic residence of Greeks. The author introduces statistical data about areas of their compact residence in Ukraine. The compact accommodation of Greeks helped to revive the traditions and customs, not to lose the original linguistic status of Greeks. The territory nearby the sea of Azov is a region where the main part of Greek community lives. The opening of schools, the availability of the printed newspaper body, creating museums, organizing events, training students in Modern Greek at universities directly impact their self-identification. There were presented the data on the sustainable revival of the traditions in family, veneration the Christian traditions of the Greeks. The author has reflected the ethnolinguistic component of the Greeks in the multicultural space. The Ukrainian Union Federation of Greek Societies of Ukraine and other non-profit and non-governmental organizations have an impact on the formation of the national Greek identity. Due to their activities, these organizations contribute to the protection of the rights and interests of the Greeks, preserving the Greek Diaspora, the revival of national consciousness and spirituality. Key words: national identity; self-identity; Greeks; multicultural society.

It is conventional wisdom for scholars doing research on the topics of nation and nationalism to give privileged emphasis to the effects of particular extraordinary events such as revolutions, wars, and mass movements on the construction of national identity. By contrast, the role that everyday life has played in this process is quite often unduly overlooked. However, thanks to the forceful argument that Michael Billig proposes in his seminal book Banal Nationalism, we are rightly reminded that the power of nationalism lies not so much in its occasional spectacular manifestations as in the way that we presuppose nationhood in talking about the mundane phenomena which constitute our everyday life. At the same time, the idea of nationhood is regularly flagged in our routine practices and everyday discourses. Through this kind of flagging, our nations are reproduced as nations, with our citizenries being unmindfully reminded of their national identity. China was facing a serious national crisis due to the threat of Japanese imperialism in the 1930s. In order to mobilize popular zeal for the defense of Chinese nation, the constituent details of Chinese people's daily life were put under the scrutiny of the governing elites and the nationalist intellectuals. Everyday life became the site for contests and negotiations among different national projects proposed by antagonistic power blocs. In 1936, a group of leftwing intellectuals in Shanghai edited and published a voluminous book entitled One Day in China. No less than 480 authors contributed their pieces for this Chinese ”Mass Observation” project, recording what they experienced and thought on the day of May 21. Focusing on this archive of the everyday life, this article delineates the historical context of its production, traces the narrative strategies it employed, and finally discusses the imagined Chinese nationhood constructed through this text.

Summary: According to Gabriella Elgenius, the societal significance of holidays lies in the preservation of collective memory. Annually repeated shared rituals reinforce the memory of those events and personalities that are expected to be familiar to all the members of the community, in effect pushing all other ones into the shadow of collective forgetting. What is more, the emotionally charged commemorations remind members of the community about their social ties and shared history, reinforcing their national identity. The same process occurred in the newly-formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, where the key players exploited national ceremony to implement their (re)interpretations of the past (as the dark age of national dispersion and slavery to foreign masters) and their new agenda for the future. The Unification Day, celebrated on 1 December, as well as the other state holidays, were supposed to contribute to the formation and reinforcement of the narrative image of a community that defined itself as Us and feels like One. The purpose of the Unification Day was to stage national unity and collectively express the will to belong to a firm and lasting community, in order to make sense of the death of past martyrs who gave their lives for Vidovdan ideals. A nation-state cannot exist without national unity. Regretfully, the ruling elites in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes failed, for various reasons, to nationalise the collective memory of the past and construct an efficient, internalised nationalist ideology. Thus, the Kingdom entered history as the single nation-state without its own nationalism, which meant it was missing the greatest mobilisation force, one that in the modern period has proved itself stronger than geography or religion and more stable than political and economic interests. Even though at the end of the war the citizens of the newly established kingdom were all rooting for Yugoslavia, the new nationstate failed to create the Yugoslavians as a people. It would seem that up until King Alexander’s declaration of dictatorship it had channelled its powers, and even its violence, mostly into the creation of the Serbs.

This thesis is concerned with the ways in which language policy, planning and practices shape national and social identity. The research was conducted in the young nation of Timor-Leste, which achieved independence in 2002 after 24 years of illegal occupation by Indonesia. The Constitution of the new republic declared the former colonial language, Portuguese, and the indigenous lingua franca, Tetum, to be co-official languages. English and Indonesian were allocated the special status of working languages. The Constitution also allocated the 15 endogenous languages the status of national languages, to be protected and developed by the State. The thesis is structured around three classic language problems for developing nations, (i) dealing with the legacies of colonialism, (ii) reconstructing national identity, and (iii) managing the language ecology. The thesis is theoretically grounded in the ecology of language paradigm, which is founded on the assumption that languages exist and work in ecological relation to each other. Using multiple methods within an ethnographic design, the thesis provides a qualitative, holistic description and analysis of language policy, planning and practices in their cultural context. Taking a dualistic approach, the thesis studies language policy discourses at the macro (state) level and the micro (community) level. A sociolinguistic profile identifies the features of the language ecology; an historical study highlights the symbolic violence to the East Timorese habitus as a result of four distinct periods of language policy, planning and practice, the consequence of which was the fragmentation and hybridisation of identities. A qualitative analysis of contemporary language policy development discusses the issues and implications of the current trajectory for language policy-making, planning and use. The evolutionary study design culminates in a grounded theory analysis of data collected from 78 participants in semi-structured interviews and focus groups, in an effort to understand the relationships between language dispositions, language policy, and national and social identity. The narratives in the participant discourses were compared to those of official language policy. A key finding is that, while older participants in the research were willing to accept Portuguese as the language of national and international identity, younger participants tended to acknowledge a role for Portuguese as the primary source language for modernising and enriching Tetum and as a language of international communication. The participants were divided in their attitudes towards Indonesian. Older participants saw it as the language of the invader while many younger ones saw it as just another way to communicate. Whilst interest in English was high, it had little capital for the participants as a language of identity. In contrast, across much of the sample, there was deep and enduring loyalty to Tetum as the symbol of national unity and identity. However, negative, disparaging attitudes towards Tetum and doubts about its readiness to function as an official language were also elicited from certain participants. The thesis concludes that this has negative implications for reconstructing social and national identity and for achieving true parity between Portuguese and Tetum in the ecology. The data indicate that linguistic identities in Timor-Leste are multiple, situated and contested, particularly amongst the younger participants. However, the data also show that, in spite of these contestations, there is higher congruity between official and popular language policy discourses than might be expected, given the negative reporting East Timorese language policy has received in the Australian media. The thesis concludes that a more socially accommodating conception of identity would imply stronger efforts to promote respect for Tetum as the language of national unity and identity. This involves promoting it as a language fit for schooling and use in high-status domains. A socially accommodating approach to language planning would also imply a substantive commitment to indigenising literacy and promoting the national languages as symbols of local identity. The thesis presents the case for a consistently maintenance-oriented promotion policy approach that moves beyond mere tolerance and symbolic recognition of the endogenous languages. A language-as-resource ideology and a bottom-up approach to language planning which grants agency and voice to traditionally less powerful social actors and communities are advocated as essential to policy success. This is the first doctoral study of language policy, planning and practices in Timor-Leste. The methodological significance of the thesis lies in its respecification and integration of analytical tools from critical discourse analysis and ethnographic approaches in order to understand the effects of language shift and reform on language communities and their speakers. The theoretical significance of the thesis lies principally in its contribution to a theory of ecological language policy and planning in producing a set of principles for sustainable ecological language management.

Legacies of Colonial History: Region, Religion and Violence in Postcolonial Gujarat Yogesh Chandrani This dissertation takes the routine marginalization and erasure of Muslim presence in the contemporary social and political life of the western Indian state of Gujarat as an entry point into a genealogy of Gujarati regionalism. Through a historical anthropology of the reconfiguration of the modern idea of Gujarat, I argue that violence against religious minorities is an effect of both secular nation-building and of religious nationalist mobilization. Given this entanglement, I suggest that we rethink the oppositional relationship between religion and the secular in analyzing violence against Muslims in contemporary Gujarat. The modern idea of Gujarat, I further argue, cannot be grasped without taking into consideration how local conceptions of region and of religion were fundamentally altered by colonial power. In particular, I suggest that the construction of Islam as inessential and external to the idea of Gujarat is a legacy bequeathed by colonialism and its forms of knowledge. The transmutation of Gujarati Muslims into strangers, in other words, occurred simultaneously with the articulation of the modern idea of Gujarat in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. I focus in particular on the role of nineteenth-century regional history-writing, in which the foundational role of Islam was de-emphasized, in what I call the making of a regional tradition. By highlighting the colonial genealogy of contemporary discourses of Gujaratni asmita (pride in Gujarat), in which Hindu and Gujarati are posited as identical with each other, I argue that colonialism was one of its conditions of possibility. One result of this simultaneous reconfiguration of religion and region, I argue, is that it is becoming increasingly difficult to inhabit a Hindu religious identity that is not at the same time articulated in opposition to a Muslim Other in Gujarat. Another consequence is that it is becoming increasingly difficult, if not impossible, for Muslims to represent themselves or advocate for their rights as Muslim and as Gujarati. How the reconfiguration of a Gujarati regional identity is imbricated with transformations in conceptions of religion is part of what this dissertation seeks to think about. Furthermore, I argue that the marginalization of Muslims in Gujarat cannot be understood through an exclusive focus on organized violence or on the Hindu nationalist movement. While recent studies on Gujarat have focused mainly on the pogrom of 2002 to think about the role of the Hindu nationalist movement in orchestrating mass violence against Muslims in contemporary Gujarat, I argue that the pogrom of 2002 is but one part of a broader spectrum of violence and exclusion that permeates the body of the state and society. In addition, I suggest that one of the conditions of possibility for such violence is the sedimentation of a conception of Gujaratiness as identical with Hinduness that cuts across the religious/secular divide. Instead of focusing exclusively on the violence of the Hindu nationalist movement, I explore this process of sedimentation as it manifests itself in the intersecting logics of urban planning, heritage preservation, and neoliberal development in contemporary Gujarat. Through an analysis of the contemporary reorganization and partitioning of the city of Ahmedabad along religious lines, I show how it is continuous with colonial and nationalist urban planning practices of the early twentieth century. Using ethnographic examples, I also argue that the contemporary secular nationalist discourse of heritage preservation is both complicit in the marginalization of Muslims and continuous with practices of urban planning and preservation that were articulated in the late colonial period. Finally, my dissertation demonstrates the enabling nature of neoliberal logics in the organization of violence against Muslims in Gujarat and argues that antiMuslim violence and prejudice are enabled by and intertwined with narratives about the promises of capital and progress. Combining historical and ethnographic methods, this dissertation seeks to contribute to an anthropology of colonialism, nationalism, religion, secularism and violence in South Asia that is attentive to the continuities and discontinuities that are constitutive of the postcolonial present we inhabit. By historicizing contemporary debates and assumptions about Muslims in Gujarat and describing some of the genealogies that have contributed to their sedimentation, I hope to have argued that colonial legacies have enduring effects in the present and that the question posed by colonial forms of knowledge and representation is not merely epistemological or historiographical but also a political one. Written as a history of the present, this dissertation is motivated by a desire to imagine a future in which Hindu/Gujarati and Muslim are no longer conceptualized as oppositional categories; in which Gujarati Muslims are able to represent themselves as Muslims and in their own (varied) terms; and where Hindus are no longer invited and incited to inhabit a subjectivity that depends on making Muslims strangers to Gujarat.

Imageries of the (Trans-)National in the Americas. Accommodating the Nation to Transnational Culture Industries. The following article looks into processes of transformation of the nation(-al) in face of the growing transnational integration of the Americas. Although the influence of the nation-states has been steadily decreasing over the last decades, there has been a far reaching accomodation of the discourse of nation in this context. Paradoxically, transnationally operating culture industries play a crucial role in this aspect. Typical discourse strategies of how the national is being employed as a ressource of the culture industries’ identity politics are being explored in a close analysis of the videoclip Frijolero (2003) by the Mexican Metal HipHop-Band Molotov. Frijolero focusses on Mexican mass migration to the U.S. and institutionalized border racism – a highly problematic complex which is fueling imaginaries of culture conflict on both sides of the border. The mise-en-scene of the conflict between migrants and the border patrol is based on ritualized forms of narration. The performative concept of national identity implied makes it possible to combine the „post-national“ critique of U.S. hegemony with Mexican cultural nationalism, both being framed by the narrative logics of transnational music industries. Thus a polyvalent discourse of nation is created offering possibilities of identification for diverse national and ethnic segments of Latin MTV’s transnational public.

The era of globalization at this time causes the flow of information and the mobility of people from one area to another to move quickly. This allows human interaction between one nation with other nations is becoming increasingly intense. One of the consequences of globalization is the very strong influence of the values and the culture out of which affect people's lives, especially young people. Among the values and culture that is absorbed by the public, many of which are not in line with the values of Pancasila, so it is feared this might impact on the erosion of the values of nationalism and national identity. This study aims to see how the national identity of students Surabaya today and see the connection between globalization and national identity of students of Surabaya. This study is a qualitative research data collection methods such as focus group discussions, interviews and observation. The participants are students who study and live in the area of Surabaya. After the collected data is categorized by topics that appear to further dianalisasa using thematic analysis technique. Initial results showed that the students Surabaya positive national identity, but seen a shift in the old values are reflected in everyday life. In addition there are new values are adopted from foreign cultures as a result of globalization. Keywords: globalization, modernization, national identity

In the Netherlands a two-hour spiritual television show called Astro TV is broadcast daily on a commercial channel. I analyse the power and gender relations in and underlying this programme on the basis of my anthropological observations with reference to the theories of Bourdieu, Wood, Woodhead and others. In the show clients can call in and have a short consultation with a “spiritual specialist”, usually a psychic. On the surface such shows are very much like the presentations that psychics held at paranormal fairs in the 1990s. Both in the television show and in real consultations the psychics do dominate somewhat because of their claim to channel special signs or messages from “beyond” – they act like magicians. However, clients can reject the message or debate its meaning. Backstage a large and obscure pool of psychics, alternative healers and counsellors, publishers and businesspeople use divination programmes and other mass media presentations to supply a large public with holistic spirituality. On this second level real power is exerted more or less anonymously and commercially. Nevertheless, the divination practice appears to offer psychological support to the mainly working-class women who participate in it. Besides, both clients and psychics enjoy such practices, for instance as entertainment. Although religious symbolism is frequently used in such divinations, they should not be seen as a form of religion (because they lack worship), but as secular spirituality.