Capitalisation, Commoditisation and Obligation among Ethiopia's Afar Pastoralists

Abstract

Abstract This paper on the Afar pastoralists of north-eastern Ethiopia examines their livelihood goals to understand how they view the institutions that are central to their existence. The paper examines the choices made in allocating livestock resources to accumulate different forms of capital. Using qualitative and quantitative research the paper considers the value of internal livestock exchange for accruing insurance and the impact that such value has on the commoditisation of livestock. Keywords: pastoralism, Afar, Ethiopia, livestock, capital, marketing Introduction The Afar 'triangle' lies within the three countries of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti in the Horn of Africa. The majority of the triangle lies in Ethiopia, stretching from its southern tip in the Awash national park to the Eritrean border in the north and east. The Afar region is predominantly arid with an eleven-year average annual rainfall up to the year 2000 of 187.9mm at Dubti meteorological station (Republic of Ethiopia 2001). The Afar population was estimated at 1,106,383 people in the mid-1990s (Republic of Ethiopia Office of Population and Housing Census Commission 1996), more than 80 percent of whom rely on livestock production for most of their existence and follow a pastoral, transhumant lifestyle (Bryden 1996). Afar pastoralists keep multiple species of multi-purpose livestock to meet the basic objectives of surviving drought, providing consumable milk and having animals to exchange or sell (Getachew 2001). The Afar diet consists primarily of milk, supplemented with grain (Tilahun 1983). The real contribution of milk and grain to the diet is not well documented in Afar and reports are very contradictory. Tilahun (1983) claims that as little as 10 percent of the family's energy intake is provided by milk, yet gives estimates for milk consumption of 3 litres per adult per day during the hot (food stress) season, which is close to 100 percent of adult daily energy requirements. Nevertheless, Afar pastoralists display a degree of reliance on markets despite the shortage of marketing centres and the absence of a custom of middle-men who mediate between herders and traders. Pastoralists generally have to travel a great distance to market, which makes the return trip with unsold livestock unfeasible and puts negotiating power into the hands of the traders (Piguet 2001). According to Tilahun's observations (ibid.) over half of the animals being sold had travelled more than 10 km to reach the marketplace and many were observed to have travelled for two or more days. There is a dearth of research on the Afar of Ethiopia and this paper therefore addresses a broad range of issues and questions to build up a reasonable foundation for subsequent arguments. The paper attempts to develop a better understanding of how the Afar view and value the institutions that are central to their existence in order to improve understanding of their goals and aspirations. The paper also broadens the focus beyond the Afar's most visible livestock assets to assist in analysing the choices that they make over allocation of resources. Using data gathered between July and November 2002 in central Afar, this paper examines how economic behaviour is manifested among Afar pastoralists, and also examines the benefits of internal and external exchange. The paper considers the value of livestock exchange for accruing insurance, which is invested in during times of glut and claimed in times of stress, and the impact that such value may have on the commoditisation of livestock. Qualitative research is used to develop the understanding of the extent of social capital and internal livestock transfers in Afar and quantitative analysis is used to examine the factors influencing marketing behaviour. Pastoral Livelihood Assets Pastoralists are unique amongst livestock producers in that they survive primarily on milk and milk products rather than meat (Perrier 1995). …