C-T Inheritance and the left periphery in Old Japanese

Abstract

This paper proposes an analysis of movement to the left periphery in Old Japanese within the framework of C-T Inheritance. Particular attention is given to the fact that nominative subjects precede focused constituents in focus concord constructions known as kakari-musubi (KM). I propose that this order is ensured by the nature of the features motivating these respective movements. Following Richards (2007), I propose that uninterpretable features – particularly those seeking a value – must be spelled out as soon as they are valued. Consequently, these features must be inherited so that they are in the domain of the phase head when spell out takes place. Building on earlier analyses of KM constructions as involving agreement between a focus particle and the verbal inflection which covaries with that particle (Ikawa 1998; Watanabe 2005; Kuroda 2007, and others), I propose that focused constituents must move to [Spec, TP], since their movement is motivated by an unvalued focus feature. In contrast to this, subject movement to value nominative case is not driven by an uninterpretable probe on the phase head like [uϕ], because Japanese lacks subject/verb agreement. Following Saito (2016), I propose that subjects undergo movement agnostically in order to value their own case features. Since there is no probe on C driving this movement, inheritance does not take place, and the subject moves to [Spec, CP], with the result that it precedes the focused constituent in surface word order.